WORKSHOP
WORKSHOP
2022/07/09
2022/10/25
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"desc": ""Pasibutbut"—I Invite You to Aing Along!<br>Experiencing the Improvisational Concept and Ontology of Bunun <i>Prayer Song for Millet Harvest<br></i>Pasibutbut—我拉你來一起唱!體驗布農族祈禱小米豐收歌的即興模式與本體論<i><br></i>",
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"title": "“Pasibutbut” – I Invite You to Sing Along! Experiencing the Improvisational Concept and Ontology in Bunun Prayer Song for Millet Harvest Pasibutbut--我拉你來一起唱!體驗布農族祈禱小米豐收歌的即興模式與本體論",
"desc": "<b> Bunun Cultural Association in Xinyi Township of Nantou County</b><br><b>南投縣信義鄉布農文化協會, 「Lileh之聲」<br></b><br><b>Yuh-Fen Tseng, Professor at the Department of Music and the Graduate Institute of National Chiayi University </b><div><span><b>曾毓芬/國立嘉義大學音樂學系教授</b><div><br></div></span><br></div>",
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"title": "“Pasibutbut” – I Invite You to Sing Along! Experiencing the Improvisational Concept and Ontology in Bunun Prayer Song for Millet Harvest Pasibutbut--我拉你來一起唱!體驗布農族祈禱小米豐收歌的即興模式與本體論",
"desc": "<span><br> The Bunun, the highest-dwelling ethnic group among the indigenous peoples of Taiwan, are distributed on both sides of the central mountain range from 500 to 1,500 meters altitude, with a population of approximately 60,530 (February, 2022). This distribution range is quite wide due to the various waves of historical migration initiated since the 18th century. This group of people inherits an ancient polyphonic singing with a homo-rhythmic texture from the etic, or outsider’s point of view. Among all the traditional repertoire, a musical genre called Pasibutbut acclaimed to be the first Taiwanese indigenous music known by a global academic audience: In 1952, Japanese scholar Kurosawa Takatomo sent a recording of Pasibutbut, which he collected in the year of 1943 at Lilongshan village, of Fongshan canton in Taidong county (the Kanding village of Haiduan township in Taidong county nowadays), to the International Folk Music Council (IFMC, associated to UNESCO) and caught the attention of many distinguished scholars like Andre Scháeffner, Curt Sachs and Jaap Kunst.<br><br><b>Brief Introduction to Bunun Polyphonic Singing<br></b>There are two main types of improvisational mechanisms in Bunun polyphonic singing, one with the “skeletal melody” model elaborated through unique way of polyphonic singing similar to so-called “tuilage” [Fr.] (“overlapping” [En.]) polyphonic texture, while the other, the “skeletal melody” model elaborated by the “accords” [Fr.] (“chord” [En.]) polyphonic texture. The former, the tuilage type of improvisational mechanism only existed in Pasibutbut, a ritual prayer song for the harvest of millet crops, and is more “genre” rather than “fixed song.” The latter, the accords type of improvisational mechanism, is applied within all other forms of Bunun traditional repertoire, included in the genre of ritual song, nursery song and working song, drinking song and narrative song.<br><span><br><b>What is Pasibutbut?<br></b></span>For the Bunun people, the most beautiful music is the Pasibutbut, the prayer song for the harvest of millet. For a long time, this unique genre was called \"eight-part polyphony\" by outsiders to Bunun culture. This name, perhaps derived from a general impression of the careless or casual hearing, may have aroused many misunderstandings. The Pasibutbut, literally means “tug-of-war” in Bunun. Its sound structure, or more precisely, the improvisational mechanism, is a recurring polyphonic structure which pulls back and forth between different vocal parts (usually four voices), while continuing to rise under the lead of the microtonal up-warding top voice called “mahusngas.” Eventually, this reaches a final harmonious state: in Western theoretical term, a musical interval is known as a “perfect fifth,” whereas the Bunun ancestors believe it to be the sound that can please the Heavenly God Dihanin. Hence, they called this final sound \"masling,\" meaning, beautiful sound. Consequently, in Bunun culture, Pasibutbut, this special “tuilage-like” polyphonic singing, represents the path to the harmony of the universe—a musical expression closest to the Bunun cosmology. <br><span><br><b>How to sing Pasibutbut?<br></b></span>The Pasibutbut singing varies from tribe to tribe. Here I take the version of<span>“Bunun Culture Association of Hsin-Yi Township, Nantou County” as an example, step-by-step, to let you experience the unique singing of Pasibutbut<br><br></span></span>1.The improvisational principal of Pasibutbut <span><br>The top voice (mahusgnas) moves upward in microtonal intervals; this is the skeletal melody. The lower three voices respond to this skeletal melody, utilizing the interval of minor third (mancini), perfect fourth (lamedu) and perfect fifth (mabungbung), before completing the first round of polyphonic elaboration. Meanwhile, the mahusgnas voice keeps on moving upward, the sequence of polyphonic elaboration starting again. Then, chasing the upward motion of the top voice, this polyphonic elaboration process will be repeated again and again, each time in a higher register. Finally, before the mahusgnas singer is going to reach their limitation of vocal range, they will give a signal of a perfect fourth called “mashal,” and, at the end of next polyphonic round, the mahusgnas voice will stop moving upward and the mabungbung voice will catch up with it to form a perfect fifth. <span>According to the Bunun taboo, this perfect fifth interval will please the Heavenly God Dihanin and the people will be blessed by a harvest of millet crops. Therefore, Bunun people give this final perfect-fifth interval a name “Masling,” meaning, beautiful sound. <br></span></span><br>2.The acoustic facts of the “mysterious” impression of Pasibutbut <span><br>The “mysterious” impression created in Pasibutbut singing actually comes from the “additional voices,” literally, the overtones, which are resonated by the proper tension put upon vocal cords, so that Pasibutbut singing might be categorized as “throat-singing”. As a matter of fact, the unique timbre and mysterious impression are the effects of the overtone phenomena and maybe this is the reason why people call it “Eight-Voice Chorus”.<br><img width=\"553\" alt=\"\" src=\"https://lh4.googleusercontent.com/VA41akuw4arEI68b_9TllS0ap3d-1oiYWiFR4RJA2f-eVoC-jx7giCsjAGdstVHYEnasLKE4dlISOu9ZHWU-F8flkW-lW19HU2dez_eQHmnMmjzPPgS96f5lbAnxK2HAVWNBum1VDvvK3zJRYeHKzg\" height=\"184\"><br><br>[Fig. 1] “Prescriptive Transcription” of the Pasibutbut improvisational mechanism sung by Bunun Cultural Association in Xinyi Township of Nantou County (Recorded and Transcribed by Yuh-Fen Tseng on Aug. 13, 2010)<br><br><img width=\"479\" alt=\"pasibutbut 20100813JPG\" src=\"https://lh6.googleusercontent.com/dbJPiJlx-CnQIUsfBVQeBs0pv7ezs3tFxwja-D3KhRUiGXIpoj_Rq9bqa-86AT8-HBK69frc8aeHonWLVVS2B155zeTmTRjqGAnaAAFqMbT8RWKkcvHFvTIMvm18i0gZN2y0rbVvPqf_7JN-sxYmjA\" height=\"200\"><br><br>[Fig. 2] The Sound spectrum of the Pasibutbut sung by Bunun Cultural Association in Xinyi Township of Nantou County (Recorded and Transcribed by Yuh-Fen Tseng on Aug. 13, 2010)<div><br><span> 對布農族人來說,最美的天籟,是祈禱上天賜下小米豐收的Pasibutbut。這類歌曲流傳於布農族郡社群、巒社群的古老部落之間,自日治時期以來,音樂學者依據其運用於小米祭典的功能性,將它命名為「初種小米之歌」或「祈禱小米豐收歌」,而布農族人則以Pasibutbut或Pasi haimu來稱呼這個自古傳習下來的歌唱形式。<br><br>Pasibutbut是臺灣原住民音樂中,第一個被國際知曉的歌曲類型。日本學者黑澤隆朝曾於1943年3月25日在台東縣鳳山郡里壠山社(今台東縣海端鄉崁頂村)採錄到此曲,深受震撼,並於1952年將此曲的錄音寄至聯合國教科文組織(UNESCO)所屬之國際民俗音樂協會(IFMC),引起當時知名民族音樂學者如Andre Scháeffner、Curt Sachs以及Jaap Kunst的極大的重視。<br><br>這個披著神祕面紗的古老樂種,也經常被族外人稱為「八部合音」。這個稱號,無論是來自布農歌名的諧音,或是與漢族慣以「八音」代表多種樂器合奏的概念有關,長久以來形成了對Pasibutbut的謬誤觀念,並以訛傳訛。無論從知識論或者本體論的角度來看這個文化現象,皆是如此。<br><br>有鑑於此,演講者將分別從口傳歷史、歌唱形式(認識論)及此歌唱行為所具現出的布農族宇宙觀和人倫關係(本體論)等三種角度,透過歌唱實踐,嘗試帶領大家能夠更接近布農族Pasibutbut的聲響與精神。<br><br>關於Pasibutbut歌謠起源說有多種不同的說法,但大體說來,布農族人都相信這首歌起源於先祖們在獵場上的一次奇遇,至於所聽聞的內容,或云乍見幽谷中飛瀑流瀉,聲響壯麗,或云驟見巨大枯木橫亙於前,蜂群鼓翅於中空之巨木,其共鳴聲響有如天籟,因而心生肅穆敬畏之情,通力合作之下,模仿傳唱著此一奇異聲響,因而形成此曲。在這次大自然的奇遇之後,當年的小米收成比任何一年都豐盛,布農族祖先們於是相信此次奇遇乃是天神(Dihanin)所給予他們的好兆頭,於是配合小米的播種與耕作,代代傳唱這首歌曲,以取悅天神而獲取小米的豐收。<br><br> “Pasibutbut”在布農語的意思接近 「拔河」,傳神地形容出這種歌唱形式的運作模式:整體聲響結構在各個聲部往返的拉鋸之中,持續微分上揚,趨向最終的和諧。就聲部結構來看,它是一首四聲部的複音歌唱,以最高聲部微分上行的旋律線作為骨幹旋律,而下方三聲部對應著骨幹旋律依次作級進下行的複音式開展;然而,隨著最高聲部音域不斷提昇,整個複音結構必須不斷調整,隨時維持和高音聲部的和諧對應關係…,於是,一次又一次循環出現複音結構的「解構與重建」過程,形成如瓦片般堆疊的複合音樂織體,直至歌者的音域極限【譜例一】。<br><br>Pasibutbut的神祕面紗不只在於獨特的複音結構,更起因於其特殊的歌唱音色。這類由八到十餘人唱出的四部合音,整體聲響卻磅礡厚重,往往讓聽者為之震懾!其中玄奧乃是「泛音現象」使然。在代代相傳的Pasibutbut歌唱技巧中,族人僅以o、e母音吟唱,並以繃緊的喉嚨發出特殊的喉音音色,這種喉音歌唱方式會共鳴出多重泛音,並且越高泛音越豐富——請見【譜例二】的聲譜圖中,【譜例一】的Pasibutbut四聲部複音結構又進一步呈現縱向堆疊,這就是泛音現象的科學明證。<br><br>布農族過去以農耕與狩獵為生,在那個與大自然節奏變換共存共亡的年代中,族人將Pasibutbut的完滿合音作為獻給天神的祈禱,以此求得和大自然間的和諧共存。因此在布農傳統文化中,Pasibutbut是最貼近族群宇宙觀的表現形式,而若深究其內部聲響,會發現其音樂形式所具現出的和諧的共振,與西方數千年來形成的和聲概念異曲同工,皆為通往宇宙和諧的密碼——Pasibutbut歌唱形式的最終點,那個和諧而美好的音響,其實就是西方音樂理論中的「完全五度」(所謂的完全協和音程)──布農族人稱之為 “masling”,意為「美好的聲音」,並且相信這是天神Dihanin最喜悅的聲響!<br><br>於是,從無可考證的某個古老的年代開始,Pasibutbut從一個對大自然的聆聽與歌唱實踐,逐漸被賦予特定的社會功能,成為祈求風調雨順、小米豐收的祭儀歌曲。此外,這樣一種音樂行為,在古老的部落社會中除了成為宗教祭儀的中心,更同時體現出布農族群所特有、強調人與人之間相互「調適」,進而「融合」的文化觀念,一種以「和諧」為前提的社會制約。<br><img width=\"553\" alt=\"\" src=\"https://lh3.googleusercontent.com/0D9mHKwywpspvJZXajsTvmZNsQ5dNiv45fbxm3e9HppV7Gr4FX9Ma-a8PzRoszbVb767w-YDcC5imVFdWOu-M4xUe05t-lMIw9lz99V9pm_AY7EoZcPhkHSCV1NMJBnTdYImfpfJcs5kgQWmIQ\" height=\"143\"><br>【譜例一】南投縣信義鄉布農文化協會的Pasibutbut即興歌唱模式 (錄音&製譜/曾毓芬 2010.8.13)<br><br><img width=\"543\" alt=\"pasibutbut 20100813JPG\" src=\"https://lh6.googleusercontent.com/jKwJEO0esNgRfmmcV1R8lPwLdAykW6GZk8QOvKfwMtoJNmMBZJL7ggSYwinixQ3a_P8QHkCdZ5YoK7ekTS2ZRLxawPqVRm4gYn7rNPBxrFz714U5CKZ7595WGC5nB7diFoFdhK0EBpd9YmURpQ\" height=\"240\"><br><br>【譜例二】南投縣信義鄉布農文化協會Pasibutbut歌唱的聲譜型態 (錄音&製譜/曾毓芬 2010.8.13)<div><br></div></span></div></span>",
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"desc": "<b><span><br>\nBunun Cultural Association in Xinyi Township of Nantou County</span></b> <span><br>\nThe Bunun Cultural Association established the group in 1999 to officially\npromote and preserve pasibutbut and other ancient tunes of the Bunun.\nConsisting of mainly Bunun</span>\n\npeople from Ming-de community, the\ngroup has been led by several directors who also\n\nresearched, collected, and taught\ntraditional Bunun music.\n\n<span><br>\n\"Lileh” refers to Chinese silver grass in the Bunun language, which is a\ncommon plant used</span>\n\nby indigenous Bunun communities. Lileh\nis also the old name of a Bunun tribe in Ming-de Village of Xinyi Township. The\ngroup adopted the name to express the vitality of silver grass.\n\n<span><br>\n\"Sound to Heaven - Lileh of Bunun Tribe” is a chorus group dedicated to\npreserving the</span>\n\nBunun's oral tradition of an\neight-part polyphony known as pasibutbut. Without flamboyant\n\ndance and music, the group has brought\nthe most primeval and pure sounds of Bunun\n\ntribe to countries including the\nNetherlands, Belgium, France, Poland, and Japan. Lileh\n\nwas designated\nas a National Preservationist of Traditional Arts by the Ministry of Culture in\n2010.\n\n<br><span><b><br>南投縣信義鄉布農文化協會</b>所屬的明德部落,因為文化傳承的使命感,期許能夠將布農</span>\n\n族的音樂代代傳承,部落中的幾位耆老自發性地組成音樂展演團體,定期練唱,1999年正式成立南投縣信義鄉布農文化協會,並組成「Lileh 之聲合唱團」。<br>「Lileh」為現明德村布農族之舊部落名稱,意即為「菅蓁」,是當地居民應用在生活中\n\n相當廣泛的一 種植物,以此為名,除取其生命力旺盛之意,更表現出合唱音樂在布農族人生活中的重要性。\n\n 「南投縣信義鄉布農文化協會 Lileh 合唱團」為臺灣少數獲頒為「國家級重要傳統藝術\n\n保存團體」 之一,該團由南投縣信義鄉明德社區布農族人所組成,每位團員有著豐富的演唱經驗與絕佳的音樂 默契,演出足跡踏遍荷蘭、比利時、法國、波蘭、日本等多國。<br>",
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"desc": "<b>The Interaction and Co-existence between Amis Polyphonic Singing and Dance Its Social Structure</b><br><b>阿美族馬蘭複音歌舞與部落文化機制間的共存與對話</b>",
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"title": "Falangaw Polyphony – The Singing Concept and Inheritance Problem 馬蘭複音 ——歌唱概念與傳承問題性",
"desc": "<b>Lu Yu-hsiu(Institute of Ethnomusicology, National Taiwan Normal University)<br></b><b>呂鈺秀_國立臺灣師範大學民族音樂研究所<br></b><span><br><b>Kao Shu-chuan(Chu-yin Culture and Arts Troupe)<br></b></span><b>高淑娟_杵音文化藝術團團長<br></b><br><b>Chu-Yin Culture and Arts Troupe</b><span><br><div><b>杵音文化藝術團</b><br></div></span><div><br></div>",
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"title": "Falangaw Polyphony – The Singing Concept and Inheritance Problem 馬蘭複音 ——歌唱概念與傳承問題性",
"desc": "<div><div><span>Moderately more than two percent of Taiwan’s population consists of 16 indigenous tribes with Amis being the largest of them. This tribe has a population of 214,245, which is scattered through southeastern Taiwan from Hualian to Taitung province alongside the Pacific Ocean. The village Falangaw is part of Taitung city today, and the earliest record, which has been found regarding this village, can be dated back to the 1920s. Thanks to the composition Return to Innocence of the band Enigma and the singers Mr. and Mrs. Kuo Ying-nan (Difang Duana) from Falangaw, the song was promoted during the Atlanta Summer Olympics in 1996 and its polyphonic singing style of Falangaw Amis has become well-known.<br><span><br>Due to the population expansion, immigration of Han people and the expansion of the city, Falangaw Amis spread to the neighbor villages. In this area, the so-called “pan-Falangaw area”, people share the same culture and music. There is a large amount of Amis songs in pan-Falangaw area. Two types of songs from this area are roughly categorized according to their functions: songs for ceremony, especially for the Harvest Ceremony, and songs for everyday-life. Furthermore, there are other classification concepts among this tribe such as the classification of Falangaw songs into “elder songs”, “nursery rhymes” and “dance songs”.</span><br><span><br>Millet was the primary plant which the Amis people harvested before the 20th century, however, due to the growing popularity, an increase in harvest was required. Therefore, a shift from harvesting millets to harvesting paddies can be observed since the 20th century due to paddies offering more crops to reap. The Harvest Ceremony is always held in July or August depending on the rice harvesting time in every village. Due to the hot weather in the South, the rice can be harvested earlier whereas the rice needs more time to ripe in the North due to its the colder weather. During the Harvest Ceremony, the ceremony songs are performed. There are still ceremony songs dedicated to praying for rain, exorcizing evil, curing illness and funerals, which are all considered as religious taboos and are, therefore, rarely sung today.</span><br><span><br>Since labor work is a prevalent topic and an important aspect in history, it has become a reoccurring theme among all the theories about the origins of music. Falangaw Amis has a considerable variety of this type of song, which includes songs performed in collaboration during work as well as the ones for leisure purposes. The main traditional labor work for Amis was farming, and therefore, their songs for everyday-life have a close relation to the field. Traditionally, three pairs of single men and women worked together in a field. This kind of cooperation was usually set up by two or three young males who invited the women they adored to join the group, hence, the number of team members were usually even. These pairs were not only co-workers but also good friends, and they took turns to work in the separate fields of their friends. They sung in the millet or paddy field during weeding or after work at home. Other important occasions for singing everyday-life songs, both traditionally and contemporarily, are pakelang and miingkay. The former is a celebration for completion of an event or activity; the latter is the occasion of farewell (e.g. departing for military, for higher education, for work, etc.).</span><br><br>Due to their collective society, the majority of their songs were polyphonic. Normally, a group consisted of two to seven persons, but nowadays, they could also be up to twelve people. Most of their songs do not have a title and the lyrics are often nonsense syllables. Therefore, there is a lead vocalist who starts the song in order to signal which one they are going to perform. After the whole song was performed once, the other singers would join. During a performance on the stage, the leader merely sings the first phrase of the song due to time constraint.<br><span><br>Since automation has also reached the pan-Falangaw area in the second half of the 20th century, machines have substitute humans in the field of agriculture. This substitution resulted in farmers meeting each other less. Therefore, the free-counterpoint singing style, which should be exercised frequently, is fading away. In the pan-Falangaw area at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century, only the elderly was able to sing this form since the young people were not exposed to the traditional environment where people gathered and sang together. </span><br><span><br>According to Joseph Jordania, an expert who has devoted many years in researching local and world polyphonic music, the origin of polyphonic singing can be traced back to the beginning of human history as a skill to defend themselves from enemy attacks.The polyphonic music of Taiwanese indigenous people is categorized as an ancient form which could trace back the lineage to the origin of humans. <br>The heterophony, overlapping, drone, parallel, chord, and counterpoint types of polyphony appear in the indigenous singing from Taiwan.</span><br><span><br>The polyphony type in pan-Falangaw area is what scholars call “free-counterpoint”. A Falangaw polyphony consists of a leader (mili’eciw) and some cooperators (micada’). It needs some low part singers (misalangohngoh) and a high part singer (misa’aletic). Differences appear not only in melody but also in timbre, which is used in these two parts of singing. The melody of the low parts is articulated with the chest while the high parts must be sung with a narrow, piercing and nasal voice, which can easily be distinguished from the voice of other singers. As for the terminologies for high- and low-voices, misa’areticay is the term for high voice singers; ‘aretic means a high and sharp talking voice. Misalangohngoh is the term to describe the low voice of singers; langohngoh means a low and loose voice. Together, they produce an ideal sound for the Falangaw singing. Additionally, each singer has the freedom to decorate the same melody according to their preferences, so when three people sing together, it sounds like a trio and with five people, it sounds like a quintet, which makes the music acoustically enriching.</span><br><span><br>Without the involvement of experts in overall planning and program design, teaching was conducted in a class of more than ten persons through repeatedly singing and melody familiarization. Since only a sole person was paid to educate the class, the teacher chose to focus on the teaching of the low voice melody performed by lead singers. As an attempt made by the government to propagate the polyphonic singing of Falangaw Amis, its result was not efficient except for the teaching of low voice melody. Only the low voice melody and group singing were passed on.</span><br><span><br>Traditionally, high voice part is performed by only one person in Falangaw polyphonic singing group, and that made the inheritance of high voice singing seem trivial. Some members learned how to sing the high voice part but lacked the confidence to sing alone at live performances; seniors were, therefore, elected to sing the high voice part. The inheritance crisis started to surface when the decease of seniors started to increase while young men know just the low voice part, and traditional polyphonic singing is gradually becoming monophonic. </span><br><br>In 2015, Kao Shu-chuan, the leader of the Chu-yin Culture and Arts Troupe, and I spent a year reconstructing this polyphony. At the beginning, we distinguished between the traditional high-voice and low-voice part. We asked a senior couple to demonstrate, and the learners recorded the distinct parts. These two parts are used as a paradigm to teach the learners how to sing this polyphony. In addition, competitions were arranged. Singers should learn by rote and singing loudly with cooperation. After one year, our training results were successful. They have learned the art of singing twelve polyphonic songs, and the first generation of trained students changed their role to teachers for the youth.<br><span><br>Nevertheless, the singing from the learners may not sound enriching due to their lack of decoration technique called i’kung. This lack of technique converted the free counterpoint into a fixed two-part choir. Therefore, the four years invested in recreating the free counterpoint by adding personal decorations to their singing were in vain.</span><br>Instead of singing polyphony in the field or at home, singers perform it on stage nowadays. The new performance situation provides more possibilities to sing these songs. There are not many singers who can sing polyphony anymore, and therefore, the improvement of their singing techniques evolve slowly. However, after studying the songs for a few years and familiarizing themselves with the songs, they can now gradually implement the decoration technique. This technique requires singers to decorate their melody while singing together and thus, creating a sound that doesn’t seem like it only has two parts but multiple ones instead.<br><br>Our demonstration will display not only our first stage of reconstructing the counterpoint style, a two-part singing with different timbres, but also our second stage, where every singer used the i’kung technique and allowed their songs to be auditory more enriching. <br><br></span><span>在全台僅佔約百分之二的原住民人口中,阿美族是其中最大的族群,有214,245的人口數,並分佈於東台灣太平洋岸從花蓮到台東地區。馬蘭部落,今天屬於台東市的一個部分,是十九世紀末遷到此處的,並在1920年代就曾經有學者對其進行錄音。而讓此部落為國人所熟知的原因,則因為1996年美國亞特蘭大奧運會中的宣傳歌曲,出現了馬蘭部落著名歌手郭英男夫婦的歌聲。他們的歌聲被「謎」這個團體運用並在重新編曲時被插入,成為《返璞歸真》一曲中的一個部分。 <br><br>由於人口的擴張、漢人的移入以及城市的擴展,靠農耕維生的馬蘭阿美族人,漸漸遷徙至原馬蘭部落周邊,已形成14個新部落,整體15個部落,則被統稱為「大馬蘭地區」。在此地區內,基本有著相同的的文化與音樂。 大馬蘭地區有著豐富的歌謠,可大略依其功能分為祭儀性歌謠,特別是豐年祭,與生活性歌謠。另外還可見其他的分類形式,包括耆老的歌謠、兒童的歌謠以及舞蹈歌謠。 <br><br>二十世紀以前,部落主要種植小米。但隨著人口的成長,需要更多的糧食,也是配合日人的政策,稻米取代了小米,因為稻米比小米的收穫量更大。在七八月舉行的豐年祭,就是跟稻作收成有關。由於氣候的因素,稻米的成熟是由南到北。收穫後的豐年祭,也因此在這兩個月由南到北依序舉行。除了豐年祭歌謠,祭儀性歌謠還包括祈雨、祛病、治病、喪禮的歌謠。因其有一定的禁忌,通常較少演唱。 <br><br>勞動説是音樂起源中的一項重要理論,也是阿美族與稻田關係的基本動力。馬蘭阿美族人許多的歌謠,都以田地為基礎,並與工作以及之後的休閒娛樂有所關聯。通常在稻田中,會有大約三對男女一起工作。主要是由男性尋找自己的好友,並邀請年齡相仿的心怡女性加入。故而田中工作者通常成雙。他們會以幫工性質相互幫忙農事,在田中以及共做完後一起到家吃飯,都是歌唱平日歌謠的時機。此外,平日歌謠還出現在pakelang以及miingkay中。前者是完成一項活動或事件時大家一起相聚慶祝,後者則是告別的場合,例如將去當兵,或離家出去念書、工作等等。 <br><br>由於社會的集體性,傳統馬蘭阿美族歌謠以複音佔多數。通常歌唱上,會由二到七人組成一個歌唱團體,今天,也有超過傳統族人所認為最多十二人的人數。他們的歌謠,多數沒有曲名,歌詞也多為無字面意義的聲詞,因此,會有一位領唱歌者,掀歌唱整首歌謠一次,大家心中了然後,第二次就會跟著加入。今日,演唱時機多在舞台上,由於舞臺表演有時間限制,因此為了節省時間,領唱會僅唱一段或甚至僅唱一句,整體團員就可加入。 <br><br>自從二十世紀後半,農田中機器取代了人力,農耕人口減少。而必須經常相聚以及練習的自由對位歌唱,由於傳統演唱場域不再,也就逐漸被淡忘。二十世紀末及二十一世紀初,大馬蘭地區僅剩耆老能演唱傳統複音歌謠,年輕人已逐漸淡忘此種歌唱形式。 <br><br>根據喬治亞共和國對於複音音樂進行了長期研究的專家Joseph Jordania指出,複音音樂的起源,可追溯至人類歷史發展的起源,在當時,複音歌唱是一種防禦敵人攻擊的技能。台灣原住民的複音音樂,也被視為人類起源的古老遺跡。異音、重疊、持續因、平行、和絃、自由對位等多種複音形式,在台灣原住民社會中都可聽到。 <br><br>大馬蘭地區的複音形式,學者稱其為「自由對位」。馬蘭地區的複音由一位領唱者以及數位合唱者所組成。這其中包括低音演唱者與高音演唱者。二者的差異,不只出現在旋律上,音色差異也頗具特色。低音演唱者以胸聲演唱,高音者則有個緊的,具穿透力的,有鼻音的聲音。二者的術語,misa’areticay指的是高音,’aretic指一個高而尖的說話之聲。Misalangohngoh指的是聲音低,langohngoh指低沈與鬆的聲音。這樣的高低音,正是馬蘭阿美歌唱的理想聲響。除此之外,每個歌者都可隨其喜好,在同一旋律上自由加花。這是一種技術,因此當三個人同時演唱時,聽起來會像三重唱,而當五個人一起演唱時,會像五重唱,如此音樂聲響上會感覺非常的飽滿。 <br><br>由於缺乏專家的規劃設計,早期傳唱教學為一個班上有十位或更多的學生,老師則因僅規劃一人教學,因此僅有領唱,之後並演唱低音者的旋律,會被教唱。被當地政府推崇的複音音樂,因為這樣的教學型態,逐漸變為單一聲部。 <br><br>傳統上,馬蘭複音的高音部分,每個群體中僅需一人演唱,因此在整體傳承中,看似不著急。雖有些學員也學習高音,但因缺乏膽量單獨出來演唱,因此當在場有耆老能演唱高音,則學員並不會主動要求演唱高音。傳承危機的出現,在於耆老一一凋零,而年輕人僅僅會演唱低音聲部。 <br><br>2015年,杵音文化藝術團的團長高淑娟以及本人,設計了一套一年期的複音重建計畫。開始時,我們把團員分為高低音兩個聲部。由於耆老長期習慣高低音一起合作,二者無法分開教學,因此我們讓不同聲部的學員,靠近自己聲部的老師進行錄音,這對耆老成了一個範本,學生回家聽著此錄音學習。此外,我們設計了競賽,學員們必須用背誦歌謠,並在相互合作間大聲唱出。一年以後,成果顯現,學員學習了十二首複音歌謠,而這批種子學員也轉換成青少年的種子教師。 <br><br>但學習結果卻沒有呈現豐厚的複音聲響,這源於缺乏’ikung這種裝飾技巧的掌握。這也致使自由對位的歌謠,變成固定的二聲部合唱。這四年來,雖一再鼓勵增加個人的裝飾加花,但都是徒勞。 <br><br>早期演唱場域是田中或家中,則今日主要在舞台上呈現。新的表演場域提供更多唱這些歌的機會。由於沒有很多人會演唱複音歌謠,則增進自己家花的技巧暫時顯得不是當務之急。而這些年來,歌者逐漸熟悉這些歌謠後,開始能嘗試改變自己的加花技巧。歌者必須在同一旋律骨幹下,創造自己的家花裝飾,產生一個非二聲部而是更多聲部的聲響。 <br><br>我們的展示將呈現我們重建自由對位複音歌謠的成果,在此將不只呈現我們第一階段完成的二聲部的不同音色歌唱,也將呈現第二階段我們完成的歌者不同彎曲技巧演唱。<div><br></div></span></div></div>",
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"desc": "<div><div><span><span>Chu-Yin Culture and Arts Troupe was founded by Ms.\nShu-Chuan Kao in 1997.It has long been promoting local culture and arts,\npreserving and extending the traditional Amis culture in Falangaw, Taitung.\nSenior members of the Troupe sing the authentic epics of Falangaw while women\nand the young dance along to praise ancestors. The group gathered middle-aged\nTaiwan aboriginals in the cast to nourish new talents, striving to promote the\nrapidly declining traditional Amis culture in Falangaw, providing its audience\nwith the profound and beautiful cultural traits of eastern Taiwan. The world\nview of the tribe elders is hidden in ancient songs. As a result, the teaching\nof the ancient songs equals bringing alive the tribe's value of history and\nlife. “Chu-Yin”symbolizes the inner feelings that the Taiwan aboriginals would\nlike to share with the world. Through the cultural transmission of music and\ndance, respective ethnic groups reach mutual understanding and appreciation.\nWith the vision in mind, the Troupe anticipates that the traditional music and\ndance of Taiwan aboriginals can go on forever through the purest and plainest\nperformances. <br></span><span><span><br>Seeing the\ncultural richness of the aboriginal groups in eastern Taiwan, the Troupe aims\nto create more room for research and performance productions through their\nhands, taking on the responsibility of artistic inheritance. Their productions\nare made mainly based on tribal awareness, and the dance scenes are consciously\nchosen to spotlight the most distinctive story of each ethnic group to further\ndevelop traditional tribal arts.<br><br></span>In June 1999, Chu-Yin was invited to Wisconsin, USA\nfor Asian Culture Festival and to Cincinnati, USA for cultural exchange with is\nother sister cities from seven different countries. They gave a total of\nseventeen performances and became the first Taiwan team to stage the opening\nshow for the Major League Baseball games. In February 2000, Chu-Yin\nparticipated in Maori Traditional Performing Arts Festival in New Zealand,\nbeing one of the four foreign performing artists invited by the Festival. In\nAugust 2001, invited to Mexico for the sixth Zacatecas International Folk Art\nFestival, Chu-Yin spread the angelic Amis voices there. In 2003, they were\ninvited to Malaysia for performance. In 2004, a second visit to Mexico for the\nninch Zacatecas International Folk Art Festival. In 2006,<span>the China Central Television in Beijing, China asked Chu-Yin over\nfor TV programs; afterwards, Chu-Yin ended up in Shanghai for other cultural\nexchange activities. In 2010, in cooperation with the marketing campaigns of\nagricultural produce by Taitung County Government, Chu- Yin visited Henan Province,\nChina to advertise local Taitung culture. In 2011, Chu- Yin nourished a group\nof young elites and paid visit to Guizhou Province, China for performance and\ncultural transmission. winning widespread praise. In 2012, the cultivation team\nselected by Council of Indigenous Peoples of Executive Yuan. During 2013-14,\nthe Troupe went busy promoting cultures among tribes, awarded the most\noutstanding team in Taitung in 2014. At the same year, they visited Beijing,\nChina to observe the cultural and creative industry, and Republic of Georgia,\nWest Asia for academic transmission. In 2015 and 2016, for two years in a row,\na second and third title of the most outstanding team in Taitung. <br><br></span>In recent years, Chu-Yin has completed a bunch of\nlarge-scale shows successively- Stretched Ribbon(2005); Music of Pestle, Resounding Thunder, and Mahengheng(2007); SproutingI(2008); Sprouting Il(2009);\nTribute Concert in Honor of Mahengheng(2009); Tribal Music and Dance(2010); Sing the Song of FU-FU- Leisure Agriculture style(2011 and 2012); Mailulay:Traces on the Wall(2015), a nominee of Taishin Arts Award the next year, making Chu-Yin the\nfirst Taiwan aboriginal troupe nominated for this prize; Thoughts off My\nHometown(2016):Ata, Taila kita\nO'mah(2017),performed at the\ninvitation of Taiwan Traditional Theater Center. In 2018, they collaborated\nwith Daniele Poidomani, an Australian giant puppet artist, and presented The\nElders from Katunayan in giant puppets.</span></span>\n\n<span><br><span><br>杵音文化藝術團1997年由高淑娟老師創立,長期推動地方藝文,保存延續台東馬蘭阿美族傳統文化,國內耆老以原味歌謠吟唱台東馬蘭部落史詩,婦女、青年們則以手足舞蹈,頌揚祖靈。團體結合東部中生代原住民青年,共同培育人才,將急遽式微的馬蘭阿美族傳統文化持續發揚,使台灣東部深層優美的文化特質呈現於觀眾面前。部落耆老看待自然萬物,存在每一首首的古謠,傳唱古謠,使部落的歷史,生活價值活現,「杵音」象徵原住民內心欲表達的世界,使各族群透過樂舞文化的傳透,達到互相了解,欣賞的目的,以此自許,期望透過最原始和最純真的演出,讓原住民傳統樂舞文化能不斷地延續傳承下去。<br><br>鑑於東台灣原住民族取其文化及傳說故事之豐富性,藉由杵音文化團體,提供更多的研習可能性及表演創作空間,落實藝術薪傳的工作,演出劇碼則以結合部落意識為主,舞碼的呈現也偏重族群的代表故事,以發展部落傳統藝術。<br><br>1999年6月期間,應邀赴美國參加「威斯康辛州」亞洲文化節,及辛辛那提市七國姊妹市文化交流,演出共計17場,成為第一支於美國大聯盟職棒比賽擔任開場表演的台灣隊伍,2000年2月期間,應邀紐西蘭毛利族傳統表演藝術節演出,是毛利族文化節邀請的四個國外表演團體之一。2001年8月獲邀前往墨西哥,參加第六屆札卡特卡國際民俗藝術節文化邀請演出,將阿美族的天籟之聲,傳唱至墨西哥。2003年,受邀赴馬來西亞演出。2004年在再度獲邀,前往墨西哥參加第九屆札卡特卡國際民俗藝術節。2006年應邀大陸北京中央電視台演出,及至上海進行交流活動。2010年配合台東縣政府農特產品行銷活動受邀赴河南演出,帶動發揚台東地方文化。2011年杵音文化藝術團培育青年菁英,赴貴州文化交流演出,佳評如潮。2012年本團榮獲行政院原住民族委員會扶植團隊。2013至2014年在部落推廣文化,並於2014年榮獲台東傑出績優團隊第一名,同年並赴大陸北京文創參觀交流。2014年赴西亞喬治亞共和國進行學術交流。2015年再獲台東傑出績優團隊第一名,2016年蟬聯台東傑出績優團隊A級第一名。<br><br>近年來杵音文化團相繼推出大型歌舞劇、,2005年製作《綿延的絲帶》大型劇展,2007年演出《杵音 響雷 馬亨亨》大型製作劇展、2008年《萌芽之一》、2009年《萌芽之二》、2009年《馬亨亨紀念音樂會》、2010年演出《部落樂舞》、2011年及2012年演出《唱FU-FU的歌—農耕休閒風》,2014年演出《牆上。痕Maiulay》,並獲隔年台新藝術獎入圍,為原住民歌舞團體首次入圍此獎者。二零一五年演出《我思·故鄉》。</span></span>\n\n <br></div></div>",
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"title": "The Cultural Bearer of Paiwan Round-hole Double-pipe Nose Flute Lalingdan & Mouth Flute Pakulalu —Art Master Gilegilau Pavalius (Shui-Neng Xie) 排灣族圓孔雙管鼻笛Lalingdan、口笛Pakulalu保存者-謝水能藝師",
"desc": "<span><b>The Cultural Bearer of Paiwan Round-hole Double-pipe </b><b>Nose Flute Lalingdan & Mouth Flute Pakulalu</b><b>—Art Master Gilegilau Pavalius (Shui-Neng Xie)</b><br></span><b>謝水能—</b><b>排灣族圓孔雙管鼻笛Lalingdan、口笛Pakulalu保存者</b><span><br><br></span><span><b>Paiwan Round-hole Double-pipe Nose Flute & Lalingdan</b><span><b> Mouth Flute Advanced Art Apprentice -- Dremaljig Paqalius (Wei-hong Zheng)</b><br></span></span><b>鄭偉宏—排灣族雙管圓孔雙管口、鼻笛保存者進階藝生</b><span><br><br></span><b>Paiwan Round-hole Double-pipe Nose Flute & Lalingdan Mouth Flute Advanced Art Apprentice -- </b><b>Cugagang Pacekelj (Han-yue Sun)</b><span><br><b>孫漢曄</b></span><b>—排灣族雙管圓孔雙管口、鼻笛保存者進階藝生</b><br>",
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"title": "The Cultural Bearer of Paiwan Round-hole Double-pipe Nose Flute Lalingdan & Mouth Flute Pakulalu —Art Master Gilegilau Pavalius (Shui-Neng Xie) 排灣族圓孔雙管鼻笛Lalingdan、口笛Pakulalu保存者-謝水能藝師",
"desc": "<span><b>The Cultural Bearer of Paiwan Round-hole Double-pipe </b><b>Nose Flute Lalingdan & Mouth Flute Pakulalu</b><b>—Art Master Gilegilau Pavalius (Shui-Neng Xie)</b></span><span><span><br>According\nto Official Document Pingfu Literature and Art No. 0990159236 issued on June.\n30th, 2010, the Pingtung County Government announced Mr. Shui-neng Xie was\nadded as the cultural bearer of the traditional art of Pingtung County “Paiwan\nMouth-Flute and Nose-Flute,” and Shui-neng Xie officially became the County Art\nMaster.In March of 2011, Shui-neng Xie was selected as the artist in residence\nfor the 3rd Aboriginal Artists Residency Program of the Indigenous Peoples\nCommittee of the Executive Yuan. September 14th, 2011, he was selected as the\n\"Important Preserver of Traditional Art\" (commonly known as the\nWorldly National Treasure) designated by the Cultural Development Council of\nthe Year 2011, and County Mayor Cao issued souvenirs in recognition of his\nachievements.<br>\n<br>\n<b>Paiwan Round-hole Double-pipe Nose Flute & Lalingdan Mouth Flute\nAdvanced Art Apprentice -- Dremaljig Paqalius (Wei-hong Zheng), Cugagang\nPacekelj (Han-yue Sun)<br></b><br>\n<b>Dremaljig Paqalius (Wei-hong Zheng),</b> an Art Apprentice, has been\nfollowing the Art Master Shui-neng Xie for five years, taking the transmission\ncourses and then advanced transmission courses since 2012, and has been\nfollowing the art master for the promotion, observation and performance from\ntime to time. During the five years of transmission project, although having a\njob for living, he not only participates in the art apprenticeship, but also\nthe promotion teachings with the art master industriously. Although the process\nof learning was hard, his love for the nose flute and his sense of mission has\nnever been reduced. In 2017, he was awarded the honor of a Paiwan double-pipe\nmouth and nose flute graduate by the Ministry of Culture, and his skills were\naffirmed.<br>\n<br>\n<b>Cugagang Pacekelj (Han-yue Sun)</b> started to have contact with the\nnose flute due to the promotion courses in elementary schools. He began to\nlearn from master Shui-neng Xie since the fifth grade and has always maintained\na strong love for the nose flute. Since 2012, he took a five-year\napprenticeship from Art Master Shui-neng Xie, including basic transmitting\ncourses and advanced courses. When participating in the transmitting project,\nhe was the youngest of all the traditional art apprentices. The process of\ntransmitting courses was rigorous and the apprentice had to be evaluated twice\neach year. In 2017, Han-yue Sun was awarded the honor of being a Paiwan\ndouble-pipe mouth and nose flute graduate by the Ministry of Culture.<br>\n<br>\n<b>The Cultural Background and Musical Art of Paiwan Round-hole\nDouble-pipe Nose Flute Lalingdan & Mouth Flute Pakulalu</b><br></span><span>The\nPaiwan double-pipe nosed flute Lalingdan is derived from the hundred-step-snake\n“kamavanan,” which is said to be the guardian god of the Piyuma tribe.According\nto the legend, kamavanan symbolizes rich-harvest and prosperity. Every year,\nthe villagers of the tribe look forward to the direction where the kamavanan\nwill make a sound this year. The sound of the kamavanan represents whether the\ntribe’s life is smooth and stable this year and the products are abundant. In\nthe life style of ancient tribes, the more children they had, the more abundant\nthey were. Because the ancestors made their living mainly by agriculture and\nhunting, the prosperity of the population brought more manpower, so they\nbelieved that kamavanan would bring the tribe a harvest year after year. <br>\n</span> <span>According\nto legend, in ancient times, a young man from the Piyuma village found a\nkamavanan came out of bamboo forest, so he picked up a bamboo around and tried\nto imitate its sound, but there was no sound after trying and trying again. He\nbowed his head in disappointment, and sighed inadvertently into the bamboo\npipe. However, beyond his expectation, the bamboo to make a sound! He found the\nsound of kamavanan came from its nose, therefore he imitated the kamavanan with\nhis nose raising high and the body gestures moving left and right... From\nthat day on, he began to use bamboo to search and imitate the sound of\nkamavanan. He made the sound frequently, because it represents the blessing of\nkamavanan guardian god to the tribe and villagers.<br>\n</span> <span>In\nthe performance practice of Piyuma village, the double-pipe nose flute consists\nof two bamboo tubes, one is a tube without finger holes and the other with\nfinger holes. The fingerless tube represents the voice of the gods, called\n\"zemengzer,\" the sound of praise, while the one with finger holes\nrepresents the voice of young people, called \"cemikecekn,\" the sound\nof weaving. The nose flutes with carvings are musical instruments used by\nnobles, and those without carvings are musical instruments used by\ncivilians. <br></span><span><br>The\nsingle-pipe flute of the Paiwan tribe is called pakulalu. In Paiwan traditional\nculture, it was a tool often carried by warriors. It was used as a signal for\nclashes between tribes, foreign invasions, or the success of head-hunting of\nthe enemy. Due to social changes, the tribes reconcile to each other, so in\nmodern times the mouth flute has become the favorite instrument of tribes in\ntheir leisure time. The single-pipe mouth flute is different from the\npolyphonic presentation of the double-pipe nose flute. The organization of\nsix-fingerhole makes a wider melodic range, and therefore is favored by young\npeople.<br>\n</span> <br></span><b>謝水能—</b><b>排灣族圓孔雙管鼻笛Lalingdan、口笛Pakulalu保存者</b> <br><span>奉屏東縣政府2010年6月30日屏府文藝字第0990159236號函,公告增列謝水能先生為屏東縣傳統藝術--排灣族口鼻笛保存者,謝水能正式成為本縣藝師。2011年3月,謝水能被遴選為行政院原住民族委員會第三屆原住民藝術工作者駐村計畫音樂表演類之駐村藝術家。2011年9月14日入選民國100年度文建會指定的「重要傳統藝術保存者」(即俗稱的人間國寶),曹縣長頒發紀念品表彰其成就。<span><br>\n<br>\n</span> 排灣族雙管鼻笛<b><i>Lalingdan</i></b>源自於百步蛇(kamavanan),它是Piyuma部落的守護神。傳說中,百步蛇是代表物產豐富、多產的神明,每年部落村民期待百步蛇今年發出聲音的位置,百步蛇的聲音代表今年部落是否生活平順穩定、物產豐盛。在古早部落的生活型態中,生越多孩子代表越豐盛,因先祖以農業、狩獵為主,人丁興旺帶來更多的人力,因此他們相信百步蛇必帶給部落年年的豐收。<span><br>\n<br>\n</span><b>排灣族雙管圓孔雙管口、鼻笛保存者進階藝生</b><b>-</b><b>鄭偉宏</b><b> </b><b>孫漢曄</b><span><br>\n</span>鄭偉宏藝生自2012年起,隨謝水能藝師進行五年的傳習計畫課程與進階傳習課程,並不定期的跟隨藝師推廣、觀摩演出。五年傳習課程與進階課程,鄭偉宏藝生雖有職在身,不但參與習藝也隨藝師推廣教學,非常認真。學藝過程雖然辛苦,但他絲毫不減對於鼻笛的喜愛與傳承的使命感。2017年獲得文化部頒佈為排灣族雙管口、鼻笛結業藝生的榮譽,技藝受到肯定。<span><br>\n<br>\n</span>孫漢曄因國小推廣課程學習,開始與鼻笛有所接觸,並從五年級開始師承謝水能老師,學習迄今,始終對鼻笛保持濃厚熱愛。自2012年起,隨謝水能藝師進行五年傳習課程與進階課程。參與傳習時,他是傳統習藝生中年齡最輕的。傳習技藝的過程嚴謹,每年傳習的課程安排有二次的評鑑,在2017年獲得文化部頒佈為排灣族雙管口、鼻笛結業藝生的殊榮。<span> <br>\n<br>\n<br>\n</span><b>排灣族圓孔雙管鼻笛的文化背景和音樂藝術</b><span><br>\n</span>相傳遠古時Piyuma部落的一位年輕人,他發現百步蛇從竹林中走出來,於是他在竹子林中拿起竹子來試著模仿百步蛇的聲音,但試了又試仍然沒有聲音,他失望地低下頭嘆了一口氣,嘆息不經意地注入到竹管裡,沒想到竹子竟然能夠發出聲音!他發現百步蛇聲音從鼻子發出來,於是他模仿百步蛇的鼻子抬得高高的,動作左右移動…。從那天起他開始用竹子一次、又一次地尋找、模仿百步蛇所發出來的聲音。他希望能夠常常聽到百步蛇的聲音,因為百步蛇的聲音代表著百步蛇神明對部落、村民的祝福。<span><br>\n<br>\n</span>雙管鼻笛是由二根竹管組成,一個是無指孔、一個是有指孔。無指孔的代表神明的聲音,被稱為“zemengzer”,讚美的聲音,有指孔的代表年青人的聲音,被稱為“cemikecekn”,編織的聲音。而有刻雕紋者為貴族所使用的樂器,沒有雕紋則為平民所使用的樂器,就這樣傳於Piyuma部落的世世代代,一直到今天。<span><br>\n<br>\n</span>排灣族的單管口笛稱作pakulalu,在過去的排灣族傳統文化中是勇士手中常持有的器具,作為部落與部落發生衝突、外侮入侵、或獵到敵人首級時的暗號。因著社會的變遷,部落與部落之間的關係化暗為明,因此口笛在近代已成為部落族人閒暇時最喜歡吹奏的樂器。單管口笛有別於雙管鼻笛複音音樂的呈現,六個指孔的型制,使得旋律的表現空間更寬廣,年輕人非常喜愛吹奏。</span><br>",
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"desc": "<div><b>Performance: Pakawyan Study Group on Puyuma Language<br></b><b>Pakawyan家族母語班</b><b><br></b><b><br>Speaker:Chun-bin Chen</b><span><b><br>陳俊斌</b><div><br></div></span></div>",
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"desc": "<span><b>Pinuyumayan Mangayaw Male Ritual Music and Dance</b><br> The Pinuyumayan People are nowadays scattered mainly in the Bei-nan area of the Tai-dung district, and in Tai-dung proper. In the past, the Pinuyumayan had many different names, like Panapanayan, Puyuma, now, the name Pinuyumayan is commonly applied to designate this indigenous ethnic group. <br> The traditional music of the Pinuyumayan is inseparable from dancing. Despite the differences due to geographical distance, the different settlements of the Pinuyumayan share common principles with regard to music and dancing.<br> The rites performed by the Pinuyumayan are intimately related to agricultural life. For instance, the 'mugamut,' performed by women in March after finishing weeding the millet, the 'muraliavan' Harvest Rite in July, the Monkey Festival 'vasivas' and the Great Hunting Festival 'mangayaw' in December. For the Monkey Festival to be performed, the rituals accompanying the storing of the cereals must be first achieved.<br> The Great Hunting Festival 'mangayaw' takes place at the end of each year after the millet harvest, to mark the beginning of the new year. During this festival, the promotion to an adult age class for young men are celebrated. It is also the time for celebrating the end of mourning and return to normal life for people who had lost a relative. In these respects, this rite is viewed as a 'regeneration' rite.<br> At the end of the year, the Pinuyumayan have two important tasks to achieve in five days. One is the 'vasivas' (Monkey Festival) for the young men, the other is the 'mangayaw' (Great Hunting Festival) for the adult men. <br> The first rite to be celebrated is the Monkey Festival. Before the young men group goes hunting monkeys, they face the Du-lan mountain northwards, offering rice seeds to the Ancestor, to the Creator and to the gods of the earth. The village has to be purified beforehand, and the ancestors informed. On the day of the Monkey Festival, they sing the Monkey Festival Prayer ('kemodau') thrice, facing North. (The lyrics mean approximately: 'The prayer is about to begin, today very early, facing the Du-lan mountain in the North, bring the monkey to the sacrifice place, the monkey's eyes are half-closed, it has been sent already.')<br> The following rite is the Great Hunting Festival. The custom is for the men belonging to the middle-aged class and higher to lead the young people who are about to enter this age class to execute human head hunting, as a step toward becoming a real man ('mainai'). Nowadays, the head hunting has been replaced by a hunting party in the mountain, but the other rites are preserved. When returning from hunting, the young men become members of the middle-aged men group (which means they can have a girl-friend and marry). At the same time, the mourning period ends, and the people who were mourning can return to a normal social life.<br> The most important song in the Great Hunting Festival is pa’ira’iraw, sung by adult men only on this occasion. It is usually sung during the hunt, on the morning preceding return to the settlement, and when returning and passing under the triumphal arch ('rarwanan'). The song is like an epic, relating events related to hunting. It is first sung by a leading solo, then another solo answers in meaningless syllables, and finally a third repeats the words of the first singer. The three singers sing in turns, creating a very special polyphony.<br> The young men enter the middle-aged men age group only after being clad in a black skirt ('puputan') and wearing a flower crown ('aput'). Only after this can they take part in the formal singing and dancing activities. <br> This evening, the most important event is the annual traditional dance tremillatrillaw. When dancing tremillatrillaw, the elders’ singing leads the speed and step of the dancing. The dancers do not sing. In the evening, the elder ‘vangsaran’ takes the newly promoted juniors (who can wear leggings and garlands from now on) to visit the various households of the tribe to celebrate the New Year.<div><br><span><b>卑南族大獵祭歌舞</b><br> 卑南族主要分布在台東平原的卑南鄉以及台東市一帶,此族群過去有許多不同的稱呼,例如卑南覓、普猶馬、漂馬、Panapanayan、Puyuma等,現今族人大多自稱Pinuyumayan。各部落間因起源傳說的不同,可分為「石生說」的知本群及「竹生說」的南王群,部落內有祭師與頭目,前者負責部落的祭祀活動,也可為人驅邪、治病、祈福,後者負責政治與軍事的領導。傳統社會組織屬於母系社會,以長女承家以及男性年齡階段組織為主。 <br> 卑南族人相當重視男子成長的訓練,年齡級則成為卑南社會的基本架構,在男子成為二十二歲的成年人\"vangsaran\"之前,需透過少年會所(takoban)和青年會所(parakuan)之長輩所給予的訓練,以學習獨立生活、戰鬥的能力,以及培養禮儀、自信及毅力。這一層層間的節制及驗證,均藉著每年年祭中的猴(vasivas)與大獵祭(mangayaw)的舉行而施行,優秀的卑南族青年就如此一代代的產生出來。而卑南族的女性,則沒有集中於會所訓練的過程,他們自十三歲起即穿起單裙並開始學習家務,到了二十歲左右則戴上花飾,成為成熟待嫁的女性。<br> 卑南族人每個月份都有不同的工作項目及相關祭儀,目前部落中不定時祭儀大部份已不舉行,僅舉行除草完工儀式mugamut、收穫祭muraliyavan及大獵祭mangayaw三個定時祭儀。其中,大獵祭mangayaw是男性專屬的祭儀,婦女不參加樂舞表演。<br> 大獵祭是卑南族於每年年終小米收穫之後所舉行的跨年活動。依照傳統習俗,祭典開始的前三天,成年階級vangsaran以上的男子會帶領著今年將要升上vangsaran 的青年階級mijaputan去獵人頭(現已改為上山打獵),學習成為一個真正的男人(mainai)。出獵回到部落時,mijaputan則可升為vangsaran,並可以開始交女友準備結婚。同時年度內的喪家也可除喪,可以重新參與部落活動,甚至可以跳舞唱歌。<br> 大獵祭期中最重要的歌稱為pa’ira’iraw,這是只限於年祭期間成年男子所唱的祭歌。通常pa’ira’iraw是在山上打獵期間到回社之前的清晨及回到社中所唱的祭歌,歌詞如同史詩一般,描述與出獵有關的景物,可以說是卑南族歌謠中含意最深的歌謠。pa’ira’iraw基本上由三個男族人來擔任,第一位歌者領唱出第一句歌詞之後,第二位隨即以ie一字多音(melismatic)的方式加入吟唱,演唱至最後一個音時將其延長,眾人則以持續低音的方式應和著,並將音樂銜接給第三位歌者。第三位演唱者所演唱的歌詞完全重覆第一位領唱者的歌詞,但曲調較旋律化,在旋律的最後,眾人亦加入,以齊唱的方式來應和。這種基本模式就一直反覆十八次,直到最後大家一起呼喊三聲he ya hu之後才結束 <br> pa’ira’iraw的演唱。在大獵祭中,當眾人回到會所後,若有升級成年期vangsaran者,則由他的教父為他換上黑裙以示升級。開始跳舞,這時年長者唱傳統歌謠tremillatrillaw,其他人則跳舞,喪家也可加入,但只舞不歌。晚上則由年長的vangsaran帶著剛晉級的學弟(從此時起可以穿戴綁腿與花環)前往各家拜訪,慶祝新年。<div><br></div></span></div></span>",
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"title": "Chun-bin Chen with Pakawyan Study Group on Puyuma Language 陳俊斌與Pakawyan家族母語班",
"desc": "<img width=\"554\" alt=\"\" height=\"369\">\n\n \n\n<br><span><span><br>Taking <i>pairairaw</i> (the\nchant of the Great Hunting Ritual),<i> tremilratilraw</i> (the\nskipping dance) and <i>emayaayam</i> (the chant of the gathering\nafter weeding the millet field) as examples, I describe characteristics of\nPinuyumayan traditional music, and discuss how Pinuyumayan people create,\nexpress and convey cultural meanings in their musicking. The term “musicking”\nwas coined by the musicologists Christopher Small, who considered “music” a\nverb, rather than a noun. He pointed out: “To music is to take part, in any\ncapacity, in a musical performance, whether by performing, by listening, by\nrehearsing or practicing, by providing material for performance (what is called\ncomposing), or by dancing” (1998: 9). Adopting his idea of musicking, I\ndescribe the structure and content of musical examples in this lecture, and, by\nmeans of video clips and a live demonstration, explore how Pinuyumayan people\nperform these musical pieces in their musicking events.<br>\n</span><span><br>\nThose who give the demonstration in this lecture\nare members of Pakawyan Study Group on Puyuma Language from Puyuma and Papulu\nvillages. These two villages belong to Pinuyumayan group, one of the 16\nAustronesian-speaking ethnic groups in Taiwan. All Pinuyumayan villages are\nlocated in Taitung County in southeast Taiwan—besides Puyuma and Papulu, the\nothers are Danadanaw, Mulivulivuk, Alripay, Tamalrakaw, Likavung, Katratipulr,\nKasavakan and Pinaski. Puyuma and Papula, both of which were established around\n1930 after villagers moved out from the old Puyuma village, have close kin\nrelationships and cultural affinity. Pakawyan Study Group on Puyuma Language\nwas established in 2015, in memory of the late elder Gilrasay Pakawyan of the\nPakawyan Family. Members of the Pakawyan Family, aware of the loss of\ntraditional culture, voluntarily meet weekly to learn their mother tongue and\ntraditional culture under the instruction of the Puyuma elder Akawyan Pakawyan\nand are actively involved in rituals and village events.<br>\n<span><br>\nThe examples presented here are chants and dances appeared in special occasions\nand celebrations, at the turn of seasons, or rites of passage in Puyuma and\nPapulu Villages. Different tunes used in these examples are based on the\nsimilar structure: parallelism in lyrics and call-and-response forms in\nsinging. The couplets of these chants represent principles of parallelism, and\nby means of alliteration and synonymous words the couplets show unity and\ncontrast both in form and content. In the chanting at the Great Hunting Ritual\nand the gathering after weeding the millet field, the “call” of the vocal part\ntemgatega is followed by the “response” of the temubang part and supported by\nthe dremiraung part. Although the chant of the skipping dance is only sung by\nan elder, those who participate in the dancing respond to the elder’s “call”\nwith body movements to form a special form of call and response between voice\nand body. Through collaborative singing and dancing, Pinuyumayan people\nexplore, affirm, and celebrate relationships among participants again and again\nat musicking events. By so doing, they strengthen social solidarity within\nfamilies and villages, and promote their ethnic identity.</span></span></span>\n\n \n\n \n\n<span><img width=\"554\" alt=\"\" height=\"399\"><span><br>\n<br>\n</span></span>\n\n \n\n<span>本講座以卑南族傳統歌謠pairairaw (大獵祭祭歌)、tremilratilraw\n(跳躍之舞)及emayaayam (小米除草完工祭歌)為例,介紹卑南族傳統音樂特色,以及討論族人在「樂動」(musicking)中如何創造、展現及傳遞文化意義。「樂動」(musicking) 是音樂學者Christopher Small提出的概念,他將music視為動詞,而非名詞,指出:「樂動(to music)是在一個音樂表演中以任何身分參與其中,不管是表演、聆聽、彩排、練習、為表演提供材料(也就是作曲)或舞動」(1998: 9)。借用「樂動」的概念,本講座不僅介紹音樂曲例的結構與內容,更透過影片與現場示範,讓聽眾了解這些音樂如何實際運用在卑南族人祭儀與生活中。<span><br>\n<br>\n</span>擔任本講座示範的卑南族人為Pakawyan家族母語班成員,來自南王部落及寶桑部落Pakawyan家族。卑南族人居住於台東縣,分布在十個部落,即知本、建和、利嘉、泰安、下賓朗、阿里擺、初鹿、龍過脈、南王與寶桑。其中,南王與寶桑都是1930年左右由卑南舊社遷出後建立的部落,在親緣及文化上有很緊密的關係。Pakawyan家族母語班成立於2015年,為紀念已故家族長老林仁誠 (Gilrasay\nPakawyan),並有感於族群文化的快速流失,家族成員自發性地每週固定聚會一次,在南王部落耆老林清美老師 (Akawyan\nPakawyan) 指導下,學習母語及傳統文化,並積極參與部落祭儀的吟唱與各類聚會活動的表演。<span><br>\n<br>\n</span>本講座示範的曲例用於南王與寶桑部落慶賀場合、時序交替或生命階段的轉換之際。使用的曲調雖不同,但都建立在類似的結構上:在歌詞方面強調對偶,在音樂方面以不同的啟應 (call and\nresponse) 形式呈現。歌詞的對偶原則體現在每節兩句的詩歌上,以頭韻\n(alliteration) 以及諧義的不同字詞鋪陳形式與內容的統一與對比。在大獵祭祭歌及小米除草完工祭歌的演唱中,藉由temgatega (提詞聲部)、temubang (回應聲部) 與dremiraung (和腔聲部) 的分工,呈現領唱與答唱間的啟應。跳躍之舞雖然只由一位長老吟唱,參與跳舞的族人卻藉著肢體動作的回應,形成吟唱與肢體間的特殊啟應關係。透過共歌共舞,族人在這些樂動行為中,一再地探索、肯認和讚頌參與者之間的人際關係,凝聚了家族與部落的向心力與族群認同。</span>\n\n ",
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"desc": "<b>Aesthetics in the Traditional Tao Singing Pratices</b><br><b>傳統達悟歌唱的美學與實踐</b>",
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"title": "Music and Dance from Iraraley village of Tao 達悟族朗島部落樂舞",
"desc": "<div><span><b>Performer/ This performance will be carried out by representatives of the village Iraraley, led by the cultural worker and Tao traditional song researcher Syaman Vongayan (Han-Name: Kuo Chien-Ping).</b><br><b>表演者/此展演是由蘭嶼朗島村的族人擔任表演,由資深的文化工作者及古謠研究家郭健平(Syaman Vongayan)帶領。</b><div><br></div></span></div>",
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"title": "Introduction of the Tao Traditional Songs /written by Kuo Chien-Ping and Lin Wei-Ya 達悟古謠介紹/郭健平與林維亞 合撰",
"desc": "<div><b><span><br>\n</span></b>\n\n<img width=\"550\" alt=\"\" height=\"413\">\n\n<span><br>\nThe traditional Tao songs are like books, which record all stories of the\nisland’s inhabitants since several hundred of years, including individual\nemotions, life circles, family properties and territories, collective labour\nexperiences, seasonal changes of the living environment and taboos and rules\nbased on ancestors’ life experiences.<br>\nThese are sung, transmitted, and recreated generation by generation.<br>\n<br>\nToday, half a century after Lanyu has been opened up to the world, the\ntraditional songs are influenced by Taiwanese indigenous peoples, Han-Taiwanese\nand popular music genres from the west. Even though the traditional repertoires\nare slowly replaced by other music styles, its artistic value continues\nsurprising composers and music researchers from the world.<br>\n<br>\n</span>\n\n<img width=\"554\" alt=\"\" height=\"416\">\n\n<span><span><br>\n</span><span>達悟族的古謠如文字書籍,記載了數百年來居住在蘭嶼島上居民們的點點滴滴。從個人的喜怒哀樂,生老病死,家族的財產與地域,團體的農漁勞動,大自然中季節的交替與循環,乃至經過數幾世紀依前人經驗留下的規範與禁忌,世世又代代地被承傳,複誦,詮釋與創造著。<span><br>\n<br>\n</span>今日,在蘭嶼與世界接軌的半世紀後,傳統歌曲也受到台灣原住民,漢人及西洋流行音樂的影響。雖然古謠因島嶼時空變化而漸漸地被其他音樂所取代,但其中深厚的藝術性仍然不斷地驚豔著長期接觸蘭嶼古謠的中西作曲家與音樂學家們。</span></span>\n\n <br></div>",
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"title": "Ipapazaka《四門房落成長子套藤圈古調》",
"desc": "<span>Raod is a melody type, which is sung with the old Tao language during rituals and launching ceremonies. Only men are allowed to sing it in the public, but actually, women have also chance to learn road in the everyday life. Ipapazaka is a raod song, sung during the ritual „hanging the rattan ring“ in the launching ceremony of the house with four doors. A house with four doors symbolised in the Tao society the high social statue of a family. There are two policies applied by the Taiwanese government during 1951 and 1966, which destroyed almost all the traditional houses of the Tao, including the houses with four doors. Today, because of the complex steps and strict taboos and rules, nobody builds the house with four doors anymore. This is the reason why this song is lost, and cannot be heard anymore in the public.<br><br></span>Raod是祭典和落成使用的歌曲曲式,歌詞是艱深難懂的古老詩歌。在公共場合只能由男人吟唱。其實在私下日常生活場合,女人也有機會學習吟唱raod。Ipapazaka 四門房落成長子套藤圈古調屬raod。四門房在達悟族社會中,代表了一個家族的崇高地位 。自1951當時台灣政府的台灣省山地人民生活改進運動辦法至1966年社會福利計畫對蘭嶼傳統四門房的破壞殆盡, 如今達悟人因傳統建築的被破壞與四門房本身建造繁縟的程序,及每個程序的嚴謹規則和禁忌,已經無人再建,取而代之的是現代的水泥房建築。正因為如此,四門房落成歌已經在島上消失了蹤影,不再被公開傳唱。<br>",
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"desc": "<span>Kariyag means hand-clapping singing party, and it means also hand-clapping songs, which are the only multipart songs of the Tao. The lyrics are often transmitted from the ancestors, the content is often related to collective histories and processes of collective labours. So Kariyag is a kind of space and form of classroom for transmitting the Tao traditional knowledge. Kariyag can only be held during the nights between June and September at the traditional working houses. This is also the only occasion where every single man and woman can sing and sit equally together in the public. The Tao used often this chance to find their future partners.<br><br>There are tellings in every village, saying the Tao ancestors learned Kariyag from the half-man-half-ghost creature. Today, Kariyag is disappearing, the reason is related to the lost of the traditional houses. The middle-aged generation of the Tao are not singing it anymore. How to motivate the new generation to learn Kariyag in order to keep this tradition, is an issue worthing considering for the Tao and the cultural workers.<div><span><br>Kariyag,拍手歌是達悟族唯一的多聲部歌謠,歌詞是祖先留傳下來的古老詩歌,內容常與島嶼或村落的集體歷史,或是群體勞動的過程與經驗等有關,可以說是孕育傳遞達悟傳統知識的教室。拍手歌會依規定只能晚間在工作房舉行,季節是打小米祭 Mivaci 後的 apia vean-好月月份,為期三個月(大約六月到九月)。在這三個月,夜晚不定期的拍手歌會,也是每位未婚男女唯一可以在公共場合中肩靠肩,平起平坐的歌唱場合,也是老一輩長者,他們年輕時約會或對自己傾慕之人表白的場所。<br><br>傳說Kariyag是祖先從半人半鬼那裏學過來的,每個村都有類似的口傳故事。如今,拍手歌已經在漸漸消失中,其原因與傳統建築的被破壞也有關聯,中生代的族人已經不再傳唱,如何鼓勵年輕人再次對Kariyag產生熱情,進而保留歌謠所傳遞的集體口傳歷史及世代留傳下來的知識精髓和智慧,是值得族人與文化工作者思考的問題。<div><br></div></span></div></span>",
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"desc": "<span>Omririna is the general term for love songs, meaning melodious. This cannot be sung in front of the family members and in the village. There are a lot of types of love songs, the lyrics are easy to understand. Today, the most famous love song type is ayani, its melody structure is based on petatonic, which is a sign that ayani appears later than the other traditional song types. The young generation of the Tao love to sing ayani, it is Lanyu's most representative musical symbol.<div><br><span>Omririna是傳統上描繪情歌的名詞,有婉轉悠揚之意。在達悟族社會生活裡被規範得很嚴格,絕不能在家人面前或在村裡大聲吟唱,是很不禮貌的。情歌曲調有好幾種,歌詞是易懂的口語。今日,最常聽到的情歌曲調是ayani,因其五聲音階的結構與蘭嶼古謠中的微音程,二音與三音之結構特色相差甚遠,所以可以確定的是其傳入蘭嶼時間較晚。ayani情歌深深被年輕一輩的達悟人喜愛,可以說是蘭嶼最具代表性的音樂圖騰。<div><br></div></span></div></span>",
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"title": "Atayal Chanting Song Lmuhuw Transmitted by Msbtunux dialect group 泰雅族大嵙崁群口述傳統",
"desc": "<span><span><b>Performer: Watan Tanga, Tasaw Watan 表演者:林明福、達少.瓦旦</b><br></span><br><b>Speaker: Guang-Bo Zheng </b><br><b>演講者:鄭光博</b><div><br></div></span>",
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"desc": "<div><div><img width=\"530\" alt=\"\" height=\"266\">\n\n \n\n<br><span><br>Lmuhuw is the crystallization of the wisdom of the\nAtayal language. It uses oral relation or chanting methods to present the\ndesired message in a symbolic and metaphorical manner in various occasions such\nas meetings, negotiations, marriage proposals, marriages, ancestral sacrifices,\nand friends gathering. The ethnic history, habits and ecological environment of\nthe Atayal are passed on through the Lmuhuw. Amongst, the Msgamil epic\nchanting, retaining ethnic identity elements such as ethnic origin, ethnic\nmigration, ancestral legacy, is a significant human intangible cultural\nheritage.<br>\n<br>\nWatan Tanga (Ming-fu Lin ) is one of the few elders in the Msbtunux dialect\ngroup who can perform Lmuhuw and with his Msgamil epic chanting standing the\nessence of Lmuhuw. He is also familiar with the manufacturing and playing of\nthe Atayal traditional instruments, such as the head-hunting flute and the\nJaw's harp, preserving the traditional skills and culture of the Atayal ethnic\ngroup and working hard to pass it on.</span>\n\n<span><span><br>\nLmuhuw</span>是泰雅族語言智慧的結晶,係以口說或吟唱的方式,在開會、談判、提親、結婚、祖靈祭、交誼等各種場合,將所欲傳遞的訊息以象徵、比喻的手法呈現。泰雅族的族群歷史、慣習與生態環境乃是透過Lmuhuw而傳承下來,其中尤以Msgamil 史詩吟唱保留了族群起源、族群遷徙、祖先遺訓等族群認同要素,具高度文化資產價值。 <span> <span><br>\n<br>\nWatan Tanga</span>(林明福)是大嵙崁群(Msbtunux dialect group)少數還能吟唱Lmuhuw的耆老,其Msgamil史詩吟唱更為Lmuhuw精髓。他亦熟稔泰雅傳統樂器縱笛、口簧琴的製作及吹奏,為族群保留傳統技藝與文化,且戮力傳承。</span></span>\n\n <br></div></div>",
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"title": "The Atayal Jaw’s Harp Playing Tradition Transmitted by Payas Temu 泰雅族楊德福口簧琴演奏技藝",
"desc": "<img width=\"553\" alt=\"\" src=\"https://lh4.googleusercontent.com/q1hnkmuZsWS_d4bA5CZDdQEXBbD5L04kiMM32ZbgItQQeKzpEYfM7cmNfyurh2jeIRvJdR9X-oHcAm1339N-GT54Sm0XtFehywlck4akN2XKpfHaKeAzq09CyeWVmdHeid-cP6-cSYlFMINGDg\" height=\"311\"><br><span><br><br>Jaw's harp is an ancient musical instrument widely distributed in Asia, Europe, and Oceania. It can be divided into two major categories in terms of its appearance and the way of vibrating the reed: Plucking type and Rope-pulling type. Those distributed in various places in Taiwan belong to the Rope-pulling type. According to the records of the Qing Dynasty and the Japanese occupation period, the Jaw's harp once appeared in many different ethnic groups of the aborigines of Taiwan. For example, the Takatomo music census conducted in 1943 on the aboriginal peoples of Taiwan showed that all aboriginal ethnic groups except the Dao ethnic group have Jaw's harps. However, except for the Atayal, Seediq, Truku, and Bunun, which still retain some of their traditions, most of the other ethnic groups have lost this tradition.<br><br>The Jaw's harps performed by most ethnic groups in the world consist of single reed, and at most double reeds. Only Taiwan’s Atayal, Seediq, and Truku have developed to five reeds. They retain a unique culture of Jaw's harp playing and manufacturing among the whole world.<br><br>In Atayal, the Jaw's harp is called Lubuw, which is traditionally used by lovers to convey emotional messages to each other through music, or to play songs and dance with each other when they are happy. It is prohibited to use during funerals.<br><br>Mr. De-fu Yang’s Jaw's harp playing skills are exquisite, which preserves the almost lost tradition of the Atayal, in which people play Jaw's harp while singing and dancing at the same time. He can also play various types of Jaw's harp, from single to four-reed, and through his four-reed Jaw's harp performance even 10 ancient tunes are preserved, which is especially precious in the current situation when the Atayal Jaw's playing skills have greatly declined.<br><br><div><span><span>口簧琴是廣泛分佈於亞洲、歐洲、大洋洲的古老樂器,就型制外觀及牽引簧片振動的方式概可分為拉繩及彈撥兩大類。臺灣各地所分布者皆屬拉繩式。依據清代和日據時代的文獻記載,口簧琴曾經普遍出現於台灣原住民的許多不同族群中。比如黑澤隆朝(Takatomo) 在1943年針對臺灣原住民族進行的音樂普查就顯示出,原住民族各族中除達悟族外,各族皆有口簧琴。然而現今除了泰雅族(Atayal)、賽德克族(Seediq)、太魯閣族(Truku)與布農族(Bunun)尚且保留部分傳統,其餘族群多已失傳。<br></span><br>綜觀世界大部分民族所持有的口簧琴,絕大部分的民族僅有單簧,至多為雙簧,唯獨臺灣的泰雅族、賽德克族、太魯閣族的口簧樂器發展至五簧,這項獨特的口簧文化在全世界的傳統音樂中,是僅見的瑰寶。 <br><br>泰雅語稱口簧琴為Lubuw,傳統上用於戀人彼此透過樂音傳遞情感訊息,或歡樂時彈奏歌樂並搭配舞蹈。喪事期間則禁止使用。<br><br>楊德福先生的口簧琴演奏技藝精湛,保存泰雅族幾已失傳、配合口唱及舞蹈的演奏傳統,而且能演奏單簧至四簧等各式口簧琴,而其四簧口琴演奏,甚至保存10種不同的古老曲調,在泰雅族口簧琴演奏技藝大幅凋零的現況中,顯得尤其珍貴。<div><br></div></span></div></span>",
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"title": "Lecture Performance《How to ask who I am?》 講座展演《我怎麼問我是誰?》",
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"desc": "<br>As children, growing up in the post-colonial context and as modern human-beings who lost the tradition and culture, how shall we learn to know ourselves?<br><br>I will use this process of exploring my identity to show the world that, as a modern indigenous, the process to identification is not something that can be explained with a few slogans.<br><br>Dance is the main vocabulary, music is the image of emotions, and images create the connection to reality. At the same time, the past and the present will be staged. All symbols will be assembled and represent the future.<br><br><div>作為在被殖民背景下生長的孩子、作為失去傳統與文化的現代人,我們應該如何認識自己?<br><br>我將利用這一段探尋自我身分認同的過程向這個世界展現,作為現代原住民,身分認同並非幾句標語能夠完成的。<br><br>舞蹈作為主要的語彙,音樂作為情緒的形象,再由影像製造現實連結,同時上演過去和現在,所有符號將集結展現未來。<div><br></div></div>",
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"rights": "ICTM原住民音樂與舞蹈研究小組",
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"fileLicence": "著作權利所有",
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},
"title": "誌謝",
"desc": "請輸入誌謝內容",
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}
}