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The issue of land rights has become one of the most important topics of the current indigenous social movement. In 2017, Panai Kusui, a famous independent indigenous singer and social activist in Taiwan, with her partner Nabu Husungan Istanda and documentary film director Mayaw Biho, began camping out in front of the presidential office building on Ketagalan Boulevard. On the 100th day they were driven away from the Boulevard to 228 Peace Memorial Park. They have been there for over a thousand days protesting the Regulations for Demarcating Indigenous Traditional Territories which excludes private lands from demarcation. While living in a tent on the street, Panai recorded two EPs on Ketagalan Boulevard and held 100 concert tours, continuing to convey their message through songs to the public about indigenous land rights. The point of contention in the dispute is whether the private lands should be excluded from the indigenous traditional territories. In this paper, I first address these issues by providing an historical review of indigenous land loss with the succession of colonial domination, and point out that the national policies should be compatible with indigenous land culture. Then I focus on Panai's music production, especially two EPs which she recorded during the movement, Rice Grains on Ketagalan Boulevard and Panai Wandering on Ketagalan Boulevard. By analyzing the features of its musical compositions and song texts, I am interested in how her works present a land-based indigenous social thought and critique. I also discuss how Panai voices through her music the inclusive and idealized indigenous slogan “Nobody is an outsider” as a core value of their movement. This paper employs ecomusicology and ontology discourses to argue that the government administration should not only consider land as an object of property ownership in modern society, but also integrate indigenous ecological land knowledge into the national land management system, so that we can truly realize indigenous land rights in Taiwan. Keywords: indigenous music, indigenous land rights, traditional territories <div> 2017年2月23日，知名獨立音樂原住民族歌手與社運人士——巴奈・庫穗（Panai Kusui）、其伴侶依斯坦達霍松安．那布（Istanda Husungan Nabu）與紀錄片工作者馬躍•比吼（Mayaw Biho）為抗議《原住民族土地或部落範圍土地劃設辦法》排除私有地之政策，在總統府前凱格達蘭大道紮營駐守。他們於抗爭第一百天時遭警力驅趕至二二八和平公園，至今仍留守公園超過千日。露宿街頭期間，Panai在凱道上錄製完成兩張EP作品，並且展開《海嘯巡迴100場》演出計畫，持續透過音樂為原住民族土地權倡議。 回顧現有文獻，與原住民族傳統領域劃設爭議相關的討論多發表於法律、地理、民族學等領域，但是巴奈作為運動主要領導人，其各種音樂性相關活動亦為此次運動的重要面向，可惜目前音樂學界對此少有著墨。再者，在漢人主流與父權體制的臺灣社會脈絡之下，原住民族女性的聲音在現有社會運動論述中也往往被忽視。因此本文首先欲呈現在族群、性別、階級等身份的多元交織性下，巴奈身為一位原住民族女性音樂人與社運者獨特的個人生命歷程和社會實踐經驗。接著本文著重在巴奈的音樂作品分析，以其在凱道錄製的兩張EP作品《凱道上的稻穗》和《凱道巴奈流浪記》為研究對象，從音樂本體與歌詞文本探究巴奈的作品如何呈現出原住民族的社會批判意識。最後不只從音樂本體，還有從音樂創作過程、選曲策略、作品錄製/發行與行銷、現場演出、閱聽眾接收端等面向，討論巴奈以「沒有人是局外人」此一口號作為運動的核心價值，如何透過音樂為理念發聲，究竟其音樂在這場社會運動中扮演的角色為何。本文使用多元交織性理論和音樂與社會運動相關論述，欲呈現巴奈做為一名投入社會運動的原住民族女性如何透過音樂自我賦權，並且探討巴奈的音樂與臺灣原住民族土地運動的互動關係為何。 </div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "text-hj8u4rkqd1": { "id": "text-hj8u4rkqd1", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 4, "title": "On Ritual Authenticity and its Environmental Shift: Negotiating cultural experiences with modernized performances by Amis people in Taiwan / Yi-tze Lee 有關祭典的原真性及其環境變遷──探討臺灣阿美族人當代表演的文化經 / 李宜澤", "desc": "　　This paper derives from a practical position that reflects how human geography and “indigenism” converges in the contemporary world.  Via the perspectives of land resources and traditional territories, as well as the life experiences of co-living in settler regime, this project examines co-livelihood with the environmental humanities and future survival.  From “other’s viewpoint” back to the “routes of subjectivity,” indigenous peoples turn from a minority approach setup by the nation state, to the different role of “return to the traditional.”   　　Amis people, who live in Eastern Taiwan, have developed their practice of ritual worship based on the leadership of “Sikawasay” shaman with chanting and ritual performances. In this paper, I compare changes of indigenous performances in three kinds of situations: ritual events (shaman practices), public festivals (government-sponsored harvest festival), and communal activities (wedding occasions). With those events, I proposes the importance of “ritual landscape,” which reflects the impact of environmental change to the habitats of the local as well as urbanization for memory loss. In the end, this paper discusses how modernized performances, become “engaged cultural heritagization projects.” With postcolonial reading of singing and dancing performances, this paper engages with contemporary debates on indigenous modernization, social practice, and environmental recognition.  About the Author: 　　Yi-tze Lee is an assistant professor serving at the Department of Ethnic Relations and Cultures, National Dong Hwa University, Taiwan. He received his Ph.D. of Anthropology at University of Pittsburgh in 2012. His research interests include Amis people, indigenous media, shamanic performance, environmental change, and community revitalization. <div>　　此文獻取材於當代的人文地理及「原住民主義」的整合。透過土地資源、傳統領土、與外來者政權共同生活的經歷，這個計畫探討了與環境人文共存的未來。從「客觀」到「主觀」，原住民從國家制定的少數民族，轉變成回歸傳統的角色。住在台灣東部的阿美族，發展出了一種以Sikawasay巫師和誦經為基礎的崇拜儀式。這份文獻中，我比較了三種原住民的表現形式：儀式活動（巫師）、慶典（政府贊助的收穫慶典），以及公眾活動（結婚儀式）。經由這些活動，我提出了「儀式景點」的重要性，其反映出環境變化對當地居住地的衝擊，以及城市化所造成的傳統喪失。最後，這份文獻探討了現代化的表現形式是如何轉變成為「文化遺產項目」。 關於作者： 　　Yi-tze Lee在國立臺灣東華大學族群關係與文化學系擔任助理教授，他於2012年在匹茲堡大學取得人類學博士學位。日前的興趣研究包含阿美族、原住民族媒體、巫師表現形式、環境變遷，以及社區振興。<div> </div></div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "embed_html-bnlgp2r11y": { "id": "embed_html-bnlgp2r11y", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 5, "embed_html": "<iframe src=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1EjzDwd26GSXGVrmcNUS8kjoR9s32l5Cl/preview\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" allow=\"autoplay\"></iframe>" }, "text-6z074cqyek": { "id": "text-6z074cqyek", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 6, "title": "Music Preservation and Transcription: Safeguarding Atayal Jew’s Harp Music in the Intangible Cultural Heritage System of Taiwan / Mei-Chen Chen 音樂保存與採譜：臺灣無形文化資產下的泰雅口簧琴音樂保護 / 陳美蓁", "desc": "Intangible cultural heritage (ICH), is a concept developed initially in Japan and South Korea and taken up recently by UNESCO; it has since become a global phenomenon. Taiwan promulgated its first Cultural Heritage Preservation Act (CHPA) in 1982, and emendations since have provided a basis for cultural transmission and preservation of music traditions of Taiwan. This paper examines ICH practices in Taiwan, particularly with respect to documentation and music transcription for lubuw, the jew’s harp of the Atayal indigenous group. Transcription has been an important tool for musical analysis and visualization of sound in ethnomusicology. This paper aims to answer the question: what are the factors that need to be considered when transcription serves to music preservation and education for an oral tradition? Considered by many to be a symbol of Atayal culture, lubuw is well known for its various forms (from single-reed to eight-reed) and multiple functions, such as conveying a message, self-expression, and entertainment at social events. However, nowadays few people can deliver melodic overtones on the single-reed lubuw, or play the multi-reed lubuw because of the combined effects of colonialization and modernization. In 2019, the Taichung City Government implemented an Atayal Jew’s Harp Preservation Plan to salvage the Atayal lubuw under Taiwan’s ICH paradigm. From my experiences of participating in this project, this paper first provides an overview of Taiwan’s ICH policy, particularly with regard to indigenous music traditions. It then focusses on the lubuw Preservation Plan. It gives an example of the collaboration between an ethnomusicologist and indigenous community to ensure lubuw player’s understanding and perception of the melody is conveyed in the transcription. 「無形文化資產」的觀念自1950、1960年代由日本及南韓提出後，在 UNESCO 的提倡下儼然已成為國際現象。臺灣於1982年公布實行的《文化資產保存法》歷經數次修法，已為臺灣音樂傳統的傳承與保存奠定了基礎。本文藉由泰雅族口簧琴傳統音樂的記錄與記譜，探討臺灣無形文化資產的實踐。採譜為民族音樂學進行音樂分析、聲音視覺化的常用工具，本文試問：當採譜服務於口傳音樂傳統的保存與教育的目時，需要考慮到哪些因素？口簧琴被視為泰雅族重要的文化象徵之一，泰雅口簧琴以多種形制聞名，其功能有傳遞訊息、自我抒發，以及娛樂等。然而，在經殖民以及現代化等原因下，目前能以單簧口簧琴製造泛音旋律，以及吹奏多簧口簧琴者已為數不多。在當代無形文化資產的觀念下為了搶救口簧琴傳統，臺中市政府在2019年委託執行泰雅口簧琴保存計畫。本文建立在我參與此保存計畫的經驗，首先闡述臺灣的原住民音樂文化資產政策，再來深入泰雅口簧琴保存計畫中有關音樂採譜的討論，本文試述民族音樂學者如何透過與社群合作，以確保記譜能呈現吹奏者欲傳達的口簧琴弦律。 ", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "theme-lbgpwqr2ws": { "id": "theme-lbgpwqr2ws", "type": "theme", "sortable": true, "primaryObj": { "oid": "fbad3533a3cc9097e6cd378333364801", "fileType": "image", "fileURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1024/mcode/f8071dfd718e5733a5f697e658d2ca79.jpg?itok=R7GFP3OQ", "level": "primary", "title": "Paper presentation論文發表", "desc": "", "thumbURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/square_thumbnail_100/mcode/f8071dfd718e5733a5f697e658d2ca79.jpg?itok=OKowE8Wb", "thumbMediumURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_medium/mcode/f8071dfd718e5733a5f697e658d2ca79.jpg?itok=i3NXCVOt", "thumbBigURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_big/mcode/f8071dfd718e5733a5f697e658d2ca79.jpg?itok=pKlyDMqb", "background": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1920/mcode/f8071dfd718e5733a5f697e658d2ca79.jpg?itok=an-Oi1Qb", "mfid": "f8071dfd718e5733a5f697e658d2ca79", "musicURL": "", "musicName": "", "fileCreator": "", "rights": "ICTM原住民音樂與舞蹈研究小組", "rightsLogo": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/styles/square_thumbnail_100/public/default_rights/memder_non-03.png?itok=h0rkcAOw", "fileLicence": "著作權利所有", "fileDisableLink": "0", "fileOversize": false }, "title": "Transmussion and Transformation of Indigenous Music and Dance　原住民樂舞的傳承與轉化", "desc": "Moderator: Jose Jorge de Carvalho 主持人: Jose Jorge de Carvalho Dialogue and Interpretation of Theory and Application in Performance / Li-Kuo Ming 表演理論與應用的對話與詮釋 / 明立國 One step forward, one step back? Saisiyat and Han commingling during the Pasta‘ai ritual in Taiwan / Mark van Tongeren 向前走，或是向後退? 台灣巴斯達隘祭典中賽夏族與漢族的族群共處 / Mark van Tongeren At My Home, I Will Gently Sing for You (i maza ken semenasenai kipaqenet tanumun): A Case on Contemporary “Timur” Youth's musical Application and Practice / ljuzem tjaljialep 我在家輕輕為您唱：「地磨兒青年移動學校」看三地村當代音樂的實踐與應用 / 陳琦婷 ", "musicName": "無", "weight": 7, "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "embed_html-ft2pq80izh": { "id": "embed_html-ft2pq80izh", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 8, "embed_html": "<iframe width=\"560\" height=\"315\" src=\"https://www.youtube.com/embed/VzWD1kCGRJo\" title=\"YouTube video player\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture\" allowfullscreen></iframe>" }, "text-bon2dnkure": { "id": "text-bon2dnkure", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 9, "title": "Dialogue and Interpretation of Theory and Application in Performance / Li-Kuo Ming 表演理論與應用的對話與詮釋 / 明立國", "desc": "In the process of studying cultural rules and meanings, in order to understand the content of universal significance, the activities of daily life as the main object of investigation and analysis have always played an important role and position.The nature of performance has a special purpose, which simultaneously has the dual and opposite meanings of \"design / habitual\" and \"creative / taboo\". On the one hand, it needs to adjust the performance method and content according to the occasion to present it. The expected creativity and characteristics, On the other hand, it needs to consider the impact of such a performance on the participants' minds and feelings, and whether it may cause violations and conflicts to cultural habits.The performances of Taiwan indigenous music and dance have long been many attempts and efforts at different levels and angles in this respect. This reflects the perception of Taiwanese society regarding the music and dance of indigenous peoples. In addition, it also shows the meaning and value that the indigenous peoples want to express and show through the performances of music and dance.This paper will discuss specific examples of the \"Taiwan Indigenous Peoples’ Music and Dance Series\" to illustrate the interaction and dialectical processes and content of several theories and applications.<div> 在研究文化規則與意義的過程中，為了能理解其普遍重要性，這項探查與分析的每日活動扮演了一個重要的角色。大自然的演繹有一個特殊的目的，且對於「設計」、「稀鬆平常」及「創意」、「忌諱」同時具有雙重和相對的意義。另一方面，它需要依不同的場合來調整表現形式和內容的呈現。眾人期望它有創意且具特徵，但相對的也需要依參與者的思維和感受，來考量其所帶來的衝擊。長期以來，台灣原住民的音樂和舞蹈都在嘗試以不同層面和角度來呈現。這反映出了台灣社會關於原住民音樂和舞蹈的觀點。並且，這也呈現出原住民族期望透過音樂和舞蹈，所要表達出的意義與價值。這份文獻將要探討「台灣原住民族的音樂和舞蹈系列」中的具體實例，來呈現出數種理論的互動、辯證過程、及應用。<div> </div></div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "text-5l9i7e6j68": { "id": "text-5l9i7e6j68", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 10, "title": "One step forward, one step back? Saisiyat and Han commingling during the Pasta‘ai ritual in Taiwan / Mark van Tongeren 向前走，或是向後退? 台灣巴斯達隘祭典中賽夏族與漢族的族群共處 / Mark van Tongeren", "desc": "Mark van Tongeren, independent scholar, Taiwan<div> </div>Providence has it that the music I’m going to talk about the Pasta’ai Ritual is only happening every two years. And, that today, it is about to start. I am prepared to leave very soon for the ceremony, the ritual, which will last three full nights. I have first been attending this ritual at 2004, 16 years ago. And now, after 16 years, I feel ready to try to start saying something about this intricate, very fascinating ritual. So I feel kind of blessed by the spirits of the KuKu Ta’ai, who this ritual is devoted to. That I have been so busy preparing both this talk, which I am so excited to share with you, as well as doing this at the time of the ritual. The time slot for the ritual is really one month, and we are supposed to sing the songs of the ritual only in this one month. I feel so fortunate that I could be so busy with this talk at the time the Saisiyat is busy preparing themselves, and I join their singing rehearsal several times. I am talking about the Saisiyat people. The Saisiyat people live in the north-west of Taiwan, on the slice you see there. And they are minorities among the minorities, of course, all the minorities together is just a tiny population of the population of Taiwan. And, these minorities, the Saisiyat people, only numbered around 6,600 people, which is not much of course. They live in different communities, which are scattered since Japanese time, when they separated this two community.  The Ta’ai are a drawf people, a dark people that once live here, but they were wiped by the Saisiyat, so the story goes. And, what I am going to talk about is the questions of non-Saisiyat people joining the ceremony as a possible threat to the preservation of this tradition, of Saisiyat knowledge, and also of the spacial-tempo organization of the pulses of the music and the dance together. To start with the first question, there are lots of people coming to the ceremony now, I read a figure of up to 20,000. The question is, do these people disturb the ritual or not. To get some insight into this question. I really have not been able to find out a lot by myself, because my Chinese only is getting more and more to a point where I can talk more and more to the local people. They don’t speak Saisiyat. Actually, they do speak Chinese mostly. But I rely on this thesis by Jia-Yu Hu, which gives me a lot of insight into the identity of the Saisiyat.  So, it turns out the Saisiyat has been inter-mingling with other tribe around them, already for many centuries. And that they are quite open to do so. It’s effected them to the custom, which they adopted; language, names, which they adopted,  most people use Chinese names now; technologies, imported from other tribe, other people, or colonizer. Also inter-marriage and adoption, these have happened in the past, and still happens nowadays.  So the openness of the Saisiyat is so strong, the acculturation is so strong that many people ask themselves: how can it be that they still have their own identity, that is so strong? They have always have these ambiguous relationships with other people, looking up to the superiority of people, who are numerically larger than themselves, even when they are in larger number in the past; technologically more advanced, maybe magical power, like the Ta’ai they wiped out. These are the people that brought them benefits, they needed, that they wanted that. But it was also a disadvantage. The story of the Ta’ai, that is of course, the crucial thing here. It goes like this. Ta’ai were the people who lived very close to the Saisiyat, as another tribe. They interacted often. They learned from them, how to improve their agriculture, they looked up to their magical skills. But the ta’ai were also going after their woman. One time, after a feast, the Ta’ai went back again to their own territory. A man of the Saisiyat discovered that a Ta’ai man had slept with his woman, and he went after them. There was a place where they used to rest, on a tree, a large branch sticking out over an abyss with the river below. He was so angry that he made them all tumble down the river, and they died. There were only man who survived, and they came back to the tribe, and they said: “what you have to do now is to learn our dances and song, and to keep them alive, this is your duty, otherwise, some really bad thing is going to happen to you.” This is still something very much felt, very much believed still by the Saisiyat nowadays, even though it happened hundred of years ago.  This was so difficult even they though they have dance and sung together at many occation, it turned out to be so difficult. So these two man, found that only one family was able to do these dances and singing, and this family still leads the singing and the dancing. There is a common pattern, not only about ta’ai, maybe the saisiyat are jealous about, maybe technology or other things of other people that their action causes loss, death, and even extinction. There is regret about that, and there is suffering from the consequences.  From Hu Jia Yu’s Thesis, I paraphrase the following part:A paradoxical emotional complex is emphasised in the oral transfer of myths and shapes the characteristic ethos of the Saisiyat people. The relations with the Other apply to mythological beings such as the ta’ai, who very much exist still as spirits. But they may also be extended to real world neighbours such as the Atayal, the Han Chinese and the Japanese who ruled Taiwan from 1895 to 1945. I wanted to quote another part, she said: “Through cyclical ritual performances, ties between the present time and the ancestors’ time are significantly established; new elements adjusted to the contemporary world are also forged wherever possible.In this aspect, a vision of the collective Saisiyat past presented in ritual operations has achieved a remarkable degree of internal integration across geographic, linguistic, and cultural barriers.” (Chia-Yu Hu. Embodied Memories and Enacted Ritual Materials. Possessing the Past in Making and Remaking Saisiyat Identity in Taiwan, 2006: 128)so this explains, how the Saisiyat can maintain a very strong identity despite adopting so many things from colonizer and tribe around them. What I take from whose thesis is that:Pasta'ai was never exclusively for or about the Saisiyat alone. It was always about the Other. The Saisiyat self-consciously (re)negotiate relations with powerful others. They assimilate to a large extent, but retain a remarkable sense of their identity through the performance of many rituals. The question is now, what allows this commingling to happen? For that I’m going to  look at the spatio-temporal organisation of overlapping pulses of music and dance in the Pasta’ai. I will focus on the last Pasta’ai I joined, except for the one I’m going to join hopefully tonight. In the northern group of the Saisiyat. I will focus on the main three nights, the whole ritual last about a month. I will argue that the Pasta’ai in Wufeng has a consistent performance of four parts with different tempi. So not a polyrhythmic structure but different tempi. And I will coin this a multitempic structure. I will argue that this requires considerable skills of those who sing and dance, despite the superficial simplicity of many movement (dance) and sound (music) parts. Thirdly, I will argue that this seeming simplicity of most movement (dance) and sound (music) parts allows for the ritual to open up to participation of complete outsiders. Because it seem simple, it’s inviting for others to join.These four parts, they are divided across the bottom bell, flags, songs, and the line dance. Let me explain a little bit more. These are the bottom bell, which are hanging on the lower back and slamming against the bottom or the upper leg of the dancer. The flags, they represent each family, they move around the field in specific ways, and because they jump up and down, they also produce the clinking sound of bells. The songs are a very unique literary achievement in the world of indiginious people of Taiwan, there are 16 recognized tribe now, this is considered really a high point of local literary achievement, traditional art. It takes more than 5 hours to perform and the pattern of this performance Is really intricate and complicated. Numerical process going on with functional and structural line. Text line, vowelization, a refrain, according to certain rules, but the rules are also unique for every song and a little bit different. It’s really hard to learn it. There is not so many people who can do it, but there is more and more interest from young people to learn it. The line dance is something a lot of people participate in, and we can now look at some video. So you can have an idea. What you will see here is the lead singer, and watch their step also. In the back there are the flags, in the right also. Lead singer, group joining. So, notice how they move in sync, they all neatly step together. In the back, in the distance, the line is very very long, unbroken, they also step in sync, but not as nicely as the front group. The singing is more or less in sync with the dance, but this is very often not the case. The bottom bells, you could hear, you hear them all the time. It’s a kind of beat, a base rhythm in the ritual. You can see them here. We just witnessed the opening, singing at the first night.  This is after three nights, early morning. There is, what is leftover of the singers. What is typical here, is that all the parts have difficult, unique tempi. For example, in the recording, the bottom bell had the tempo of 79, the song: 60, the step:60, the flag, we have a much faster pulse of 158. There are other moments I counted this, I checked this, I’m still doing that. It’s quite clear, very often, these tempi they don’t line up very well.  So, in the dance, we get some complication due to group dynamics. You see here, some people in plain clothes, not dressed in red and white. It’s people from outside, non-Saisiyat people. There can be all sort of things going on. Instead of moving right steadily, the group will start to move left. Instead of going forward, maybe part of the group is going forward. There are people entering, leaving. There is rice-wine-drinking, we are being fed by the Saisiyat people to drink to keep ourselves warm all night. Sometimes very small children dance. There is all kinds of things that could go on wrong particularly in the line dance, where up to hundreds of people can participate. So, I’m talking about pulse and not about rhythm, because this is defined by long and short pattern. It’s really the tempo, this very basic thing of the pulse that Is going on across different media, like the song and the dance.  Pulse allows me to think more in terms of waveforms, where you can get transverse displacement. As well as longitudinal, the line sometimes getting very dense, and sometimes stretch out. You’re absolutely suppose to hold hands, and not to break the line. This is the sacred duty of Saisiyat.  When we would talk about in sync and out of sync, it kind of suggest we should be syncing up. But a group, inside a group there should be syncing. The bottom bells, they sync together, most of the time. The singers they step in sync, but these patterns don’t line up with each other often.  Now, let’s have a look at how it can go a little wrong. But still, this is non-disruptive, there is no physical tension in the body. It’s a regular step, of equal distance, and it is Saisiyat people. You see, they go left and right, they step. At some point, you notice and wave coming into this line. And here you see if happen, part of the line moves forward, part of the line move backward. In the distance, you see the core group of singers. This doesn’t happen to them. They always maintain their steady pace.  Now you see how it can go wrong. There is Saisiyat and non-Saisiyat people. In front you see stagnation, there is not movement, but you can have a look there. The Saisiyat move to them, the group got so much squeezed together, they are bulging out. This is kind of longitudinal wave. On the left, you see leading singers, dancers. You can see the shadows showing their step. The center is supposed to move clockwise, but they move anti-clockwise. See the group bulging, Saisiyat move to them, they don’t know what to do, this is a group of people, probably, for the first time, they are interested to join, they are curious about this Saisiyat ritual, very mysterious, maybe it’s for leisure, maybe it’s for fun. They probably do once, maybe they do several time. But, they don’t really know where to go, and it’s too many people anyway, so the group dynamics makes thing go wrong. At the same time, the core group, the lead singers keep the steady pulse. Now, there is a neat spiral I want to show you. It can go nicely too. These are mostly Saisiyat. You see there is counter movement of the group outside, and the group inside. The singing also, it continues in its own tempo, unstirred tempo. So there is these different pulses going on steadily.  There is great beauty, I think, in this spiral. It’s an incredible challenge if you think about it, and if you do it. So, the the pasta’ai is a sonic ritual with unique spatio-temporal features. And I will sum up some ideas here. It would be much easier to do things in sync. This is the natural tendency to synchronize, and to save energy. But there is no clear attempt to synchronize the parts, there are multiple pulses going on, actually, most of the time. So, any dancer and any singer, whether you are new or experienced, you are challenge to resist locking-in with other pulses.  The coregroup of singers-dancers often perform the same tempo for singing and dancing,but the steps of singers further down the line tend to go out of phase with the coregroup. All of them are close to the different pulses from the bottombell-dancers and flagbearers. Across many of the spatio-temporal patterns (of song and dance) phase differences, phase shifting, and a-synchronous patterns are the rule, rather than the exception. These potentiallly disruptive forces result from group dynamics, are beyond the individual’s control, and are experienced by all active participants. The dance form, deceivingly simple as it is, invites participation by outsiders and enables the commingling of Saisiyat ritual specialists, other Saisiyat as well as Han/Hakka Chinese, Atayal and foreign outsiders. Others. Who participates in what? We’ve talked about the different musical parts, dance parts. These are all done by Saisiyat people. And, on the right side, you see curious outsider, people like me, and there could be up to a dozen of outsider who buys the suit. You may not see if they are Saisiyat or not. There are a lot tourist who just join. I think what is most striking, is that the core group to the left, they do everything to perfection, 100%. Sometimes the bottom bell go out of sync. The flag they have their own pattern. I think other Saisiyat and other outsider, they are able to do the line dance 75% to 90%. But for tourist, who often don’t have a clue what to do, when the group is too big, the correctness is perhaps 20-25%.  So, how to call it? I want to emphasize, this is not polyrhythmic. Polyrhythm, it suggest, in the end, that there is a common cycle. There are multiple time cycle, and they get together at a certain point. That is not happening here. So all the different poly we have, we now don’t talk about polyphony, we talk about multi-part music. I want to call, what I found out here: multitempic, and multitempic structure. And, I’m curious to hear, if any of you know any multitempic structure. I think it is pretty rare. I would mainly think of avant-gard, or free jazz music kind of thing. But there must be few examples, perhaps in the Amazonian rain forest, or something like that. I’m going to slowly go to my conclusion. The Pasta’ai might well have received new dramatic input over the last decades: slower, more dragging tempi, with long-held notes that keep a clear pulse floating for such a long time, that it seems to beg to be disrupted by competing tempi. There is a wonderful 3CD box, re-issued recently, by our moderator Wang Ying-Fen. A very nice box of traditional music of all the tribe known to the Japanese. There we read the bottom bell were worn by the singers, and they would synchronize bottom bell, step, and singing on the recording. So, that is different from what we hear nowadays.  Concluding remarks, then. Echoing anthropologist  Chia-Yu Hu, I conclude that the Saisiyat adapt their ritual behavior to address changes in society. They adapt and adopt, but do not succumb to the Other. They are inviting and welcoming, but resist appropriation. The Pasta'ai is the ultimate platform of the Saisiyat meeting the Other and the Other meeting the Saisiyat, celebrating both the benefits and disadvantages for both parties. With my own eurocentric gaze I believed in an idealised version of the Pasta’ai where all the parts/pulses link up neatly in ideal, carefully ‘orchestrated’ and ‘choreographed’ parts. \tI now would argue that the multitempic structure danced, played and sung by the Saisiyat of Wufeng has phase shifts, disruptions and frictions, has successful as well as unsuccessful spirals embedded in its very design. Sometimes danced by as many as hundreds of people, the Pasta’ai reflects and creates society from the Saisiyat’s perspective as it really is, with its colonial echoes, in its postcolonial reality, and its de-colonising ideals.<div> 幸運的，我所要討論音樂: 巴斯達隘(矮靈祭)祭儀每兩年舉辦一次。今天儀式正要開始，我等下就要出門參加三個整夜的儀式。我第一次參加矮靈祭是在2004，16年前。過了16年後，我終於覺得可以開始試圖用文字梳理這個精密、令人著迷的儀式。我也覺得很受到kuku ta’ai (矮靈)，這個儀式所祭拜的矮靈，的祝福。當我在準備這個演講的同時，矮靈祭的準備也正如火如荼的進行中。整個儀式期間其實是一個月的時間，而只有這個月的儀式準備期可以唱祭歌。我覺得很幸運當賽夏族人在準備祭典時，我也可以準備我關於矮靈祭的發表，同時，我也參與了幾次部落的祭前練唱。 我要討論的是賽夏族。賽夏族住在台灣的西北部，投影片上看到那個小扇型。他們是少數中的少數。當然所有台灣的原住民族加起來只佔台灣人口的少數。賽夏族目前人口大約6600人，真的不多。他們住在不同的聚落，並且日本殖民時期他們分成兩個領地。 矮靈是曾經居住在此地的矮黑人，但他們被賽夏族殲滅，傳說中是如此。我要探討的是非賽夏族人參與矮靈祭對於祭儀傳承及傳統知識的威脅，以及儀式歌舞脈動的時空組織結構。 回到第一個問題，目前有很多人參與矮靈祭，我讀過人數兩萬人的統計紀錄。問題在於，他們會干擾儀式的進行嗎?我沒辦法完全靠田野訪問來回答這個問題，因為我的中文今年才變得可以跟當地人溝通。賽夏族人大都不說賽夏語，中文還是主要語言。而我也依靠胡家瑜的論文，給我了許多探見賽夏族身分認同的觀點。 賽夏族幾世紀以來，都跟鄰近的族群通婚。他們不抗拒跨族群的通婚。而通婚影響了他們的習俗，影響層面包括語言、名字，族人都慣用中文名；別族或殖民者引進的科技。通婚跟領養在過去很盛行，至今仍常發生。 賽夏族人有很大的開放性，他們的文化適應跟融合也很強，而很多人會覺得很好奇: 他們到底是怎麼保有他們的身份認同呢? 賽夏族跟很多族群有曖昧的關係，他們會向強勢族群(人口比他們多更多)的人學習；科技比較先進的，可能是魔法能力，像是被他們殲滅的矮靈學習。這些族群都為他們帶來一些好處，他們也需要、想要這些好處。但還是有些缺點。 矮靈的故事很重要。故事是這樣的: 矮靈是住在賽夏族附近的一個族群。兩族常有互動。賽夏族人向矮靈學習耕種，也很欽羨他們的魔法能力。但是矮靈也會騷擾賽夏女性。有一次，在一次的慶典之後，矮靈回到他們的居住地。一個賽夏男人發現他的老婆被矮靈戲弄了，所以他決定要報復。矮靈習慣休息的地點是一棵樹稍懸掛於河谷懸崖。賽夏男人太生氣了，他把樹鋸斷，矮靈都跟著樹墜入河谷而死。最後只有兩位矮靈倖存，他們回到賽夏的部落，並對他們說: 「你們必須學會我們的歌跟舞蹈，一代代的傳下去。這是你的責任，如果你不這樣做，厄運會降臨整個賽夏族群。」這個想法目前還是很貼近賽夏族人的認知跟情感，縱使矮靈幾百年前就滅絕了，賽夏族人還是深切的記憶這個故事。 學習矮靈的歌舞非常困難。雖然之前賽夏族與矮靈曾多次的共舞，學習整套歌舞真的很難。最後，兩位矮靈終於找到一個家族的人比較擅長歌舞，而這個家族至今仍然領到矮靈祭的歌舞祭儀。 除了跟矮靈關係中，賽夏族人跟它者的互動中也有同一個模式。可能族人羨慕科技或其他族擁有的東西，而做了一些導致失去、死亡甚至於滅絕的活動。最終帶來悔恨，和自食惡果的折磨。 人類學家胡家瑜的論旨，重述如下:這個矛盾的情感複合體透過口傳神話被凸顯，並型朔出賽夏族精神的特色。這個和他者的關係，適用於神話中的靈像是達隘(矮靈)—神靈界的存在。但其關係也適用於現實世界中的鄰居，像是泰雅族、漢族、以及1895-1945年間的日本殖民者。 我想引用她寫的另一段文字:「透過週期性的儀式行為，現代與祖先的時代的連結被建立；符合當代情節的新元素也被引進入儀式之中。從這個面向看來，儀式中所呈現的賽夏族集體的過去能夠橫跨地理、語言和文化隔閡達成高程度的內部整合。」這解釋了身處於強勢族群跟殖民者的環境影下的賽夏族如何持續保有高度的身份意識。 我從以上的資訊形成了以下論旨: 巴斯達隘從來不只關乎賽夏族。它也總是涵蓋了它者。賽夏族充滿自我意識的(再)交涉—他們自身與握有權力它者的關係。他們很大程度上已經被同化，但仍透過舉辦儀式來維持高度的身份意識。 那，衍伸出的一個問題是: 「族群間的融合/互相共處是怎麼發生的?回應以上的問題，我要檢視巴斯達隘音樂與舞蹈脈動的重疊與交織的時空組織結構。 我的研究範圍是我最後一次參與的矮靈祭，還有我今晚可能即將參加的矮靈祭。研究的聚焦在三天正祭，因為祭典期間大約橫跨一個月。 我的論點是: 新竹五峰的矮靈祭有個嚴謹的時空組織結構，由四個持續的，不同拍節的聲部構成。所以不是一個複音音樂的結構，而是由不同拍速所構成。我稱之為: 「多拍節結構」。第二個論點是: 完成其歌與舞需要高度技巧，雖然表面上看來，一些動作(舞蹈)跟聲音(音樂)聲部看似簡單。論點三: 看似簡單的動作(舞蹈)跟聲音(音樂)聲部，讓儀式能夠接納且對完全沒有經驗的外來者來參與。 聲音與動作的結構元素的四個脈動分別是: 臀鈴、肩旗、祭歌、舞蹈的隊伍。我再深入解釋一下。臀鈴，懸掛在下背，它會晃向舞者的臀部或大腿。肩旗，代表每個家族的榮耀，它們在祭場上以一種特殊的方式移動，而因為它們持續上下跳動，也會發出鈴鐺的聲音。祭歌是法定16個台灣原住民族中，非常獨特的文學成就，傳統藝術的巔峰。祭歌的非常複雜跟精密，篇幅長，唱一次要五小時。唱的時候需要數數，有些樂句反覆的設計，加上實詞跟虛詞的變化。歌詞，虛詞跟反覆次數都有各自的規則，但每首歌的的規則都不一樣。祭歌很難學。沒有很多人會唱，但是越來越多年輕人開始學習了。 很多人會加入主要的舞圈。我們現在可以看一下影片，比較能理解。這邊是領唱的人，祭歌組。可以看看他們的腳步。後面跟右邊有肩旗。這是祭歌組，這是被帶領的人。可以看到，他們步伐一致。舞圈後面，到很遠的地方，這個舞圈是很長，沒有斷口的。他們步伐都一致，雖然動作沒有前面的人俐落。歌聲跟腳步差不多是同步的，但這其實不常見。你可以一直聽到臀鈴的聲音。它好像是一個拍，一個儀式中持續不斷的基本節奏。這是正祭第一天入場的錄影。 這是過了三個晚上後的凌晨。場上剩下了一點人。這個儀式音樂的常態是: 每個聲音分部都有獨特的拍節。例如說，這個錄影中，臀鈴拍速是79、祭歌跟不乏拍速是79，肩旗拍速跟脈動特別快，它是158。我常在祭場上數拍數，我在不同的時間點檢視聲音分部的關係。我蒐集的資訊反應出: 這些拍速通常都各自有各自的特性。 在主要舞圈中，我們會因為團體動能而有些複雜的現象產生。影片上，穿一般衣服，沒有穿上紅白色祭服的人是非賽夏族的觀光客。舞圈中，有很多是同時發生。應該要往右的時候，有人往左。所以當隊伍要往前時，有些人是往後的。有人進入或離開舞圈。有人在喝小米酒，賽夏媳婦會下來舞圈敬酒，喝酒讓唱歌的人身體保持溫暖。有時候，很小的小孩也會在舞圈中跳舞。幾百人同時參與主要舞圈的時候，情況會變得很複雜，很多雜訊會干擾舞圈運作。 我討論的是脈動而不是節奏。節奏是長短的組合。而我討論的重點其實是拍速，也就是不同聲音分部中像是祭歌跟舞蹈中，延續不斷的基底脈動。 脈動這個詞彙，讓我能用波形的概念來思考。有時候有錯位的橫波，有時候產生綜波 (五圈隊伍有時候會密集，有時候拉的很長) 。不管如何，手都要握緊，不能斷。這是賽夏族神聖的責任。 當我當討論合拍或不合拍時，我們預設合拍才是和諧的。當然，一個聲部應該要有統一的拍速。臀鈴，大部份的時間中，整組人都是同一個拍速。祭歌組的歌與舞是合拍的，但祭歌組跟臀鈴組兩組各自的拍速不同。 我們現在來看一個不完美的例子。不過，這個雖然不完全是對的，但還是很平和的，舞圈裏面的人的身體還是處於放鬆狀態。賽夏族人們的步伐是規律，等距的。他們先往左，再往右，邁出一步。然後，某個時間點，你看到舞圈中有波浪形成。為什麼呢? 因為舞圈中有一段的人是往前邁，同時，有一段的人往後踩。祭歌組在畫面中很遠的角落，但你可以看到，他們沒有發生這種情形。他們的步伐都是同步的。 這是一個混亂的例子，有賽夏跟非賽夏族的參與。前面這邊擠成一團，動彈不得。然後這裡，賽夏族人往這邊移動，然後被夾在中間的這群人被擠出來，凸出舞圈。畫面的左邊是祭歌組。從他們的影子，可以看到腳步。螺旋的中間應該要順時針移動，但目前是逆時移動。 凸出舞圈的那群人，他們不知道要做什麼。他們可能第一次參與舞圈，他們只是對於神秘的賽夏族儀式很好奇，或是他們只是想找些新的休閒娛樂。他們可能參加過一兩次，但他們不知道要往哪邊走，然後人真的太多了，所以團體動能就會很複雜、出錯。不過，在此同時，祭歌組跟歌跟舞都很穩定不受影響。 現在要給大家看一個美麗的螺旋。螺旋也可以呈現很和諧的狀態。這螺旋裡大多是族人。你可以看到螺旋裡面跟螺旋外面相抗衡的動作。祭歌組跟歌跟舞都很穩定不受影響。所以幾個不同的脈動都持續穩定的存在著。我覺得螺旋很美，它看起來很簡單，但運作起來一點都不容易。矮靈祭是獨特的聲波儀式具備獨特的時空組織結構。我在此總結一些概念。身體與聲音在同一個節奏之中(同步)要比在不同步的節奏容易。身體的自然慣性是同步規律以節省能量。在祭場上，反常的，沒有同步的現象，相反的，場上有很多節奏脈動共存。不管是老鳥還是菜鳥都要克制和其他脈動同步的趨勢。對於祭歌組的人來說，他們必須同時執行祭歌及舞步的脈動。但非祭歌組，接在舞圈比較後面的人，舞步常常會不同步，臀鈴跟肩旗的聲音可能會把他們的步伐拉走。橫跨許多時空組織結構(很多歌舞曲目)律動差異性、律動轉換，與不同步的模式是主要的特徵，而非例外。這些由團體動能所產生的衝突性能量，在個人的掌控之外，但被所有人經歷。看似簡單的舞圈，歡迎著外來者的加入使得賽夏祭典的傳承者、其它賽夏族人、漢人、客家人、泰雅族人、外國人可以在同一個場域中融合共處。 哪些人會加入哪個隊伍呢? 我剛剛說的臀鈴、肩旗只有族人可以參與。畫面右邊，你可以看到很多對儀式好奇的人，十多個像我一樣像我一樣買了族服的非族人。還以很多直接參與的觀光客。我覺得最令人敬佩的是，畫面右邊的祭歌組他們幾乎100%完美的執行歌舞。而，臀鈴有時候會有不同步的狀況。肩旗有各自的節奏不列入評論。我認為非祭歌組的族人跟穿族服的外人，可以執行75-90%正確。但觀光客，通常沒有接觸賽夏文化，然後舞圈人太多又太混亂的時候，動作正確率只剩20-25%。 如何稱呼這獨特的時空組織結構? 我要強調，絕對不是複節奏。複節奏的定義是：有多個節奏長度同時存在，在某個時間點、某個週期他們會同時會到原點。這不適用此例。我們也不是在討論複音音樂，而是有多個分部的音樂。我想將其稱之為: 多重節拍，多重節拍結構。我也很好奇在座的各位熟悉其他多重節拍音樂的例子嗎? 我覺得它蠻罕見的。我會想到前衛音樂，或是自由爵士。但其實應該會有更多多重節拍的例子，可能在偏遠的亞馬遜雨林，或其他地方。 巴斯達隘在過去的幾十年，可能累積了戲劇性的新元素挹注: 更緩慢，更延長的節奏，加上一個延展的長音—長時間持續的提供一個漂浮在上的清楚脈動，其效果似乎是挑釁其他競爭節奏將其打斷。  我們的會議主持人王櫻芬，最近有個重新出版的一個很棒的3 CD (戰時台灣的聲音1943: 黑澤隆朝《高砂族的音樂》復刻—暨漢人音樂)。裡面有日治時期戰前所蒐集的傳統音樂。當時的錄音中，唱祭歌的人同時也戴臀鈴，臀鈴、舞步、祭歌都是同拍的。這跟我們現在聽到的聲音不一樣。 結語。延續人類學家胡家瑜的論點，我認為賽夏族透過調整儀式行為來回應社會的變遷。他們適應和接受，但他們不會對他者低頭。他們邀請和歡迎它者，但抗拒外來文化的直接挪用。 矮靈祭是賽夏族與他者相遇，和他者與賽夏族相遇的最高平台。為雙方各自帶來好與壞。 由我自己的歐洲觀點出發，我相信矮靈祭有個理想的設計，每一個部分/ 脈動都巧妙的連結起來，都非常理想及巧思的被「指揮」和「編舞」。 我認為矮靈祭的多重節拍結構: 五峰賽夏族的舞蹈及歌唱有律動轉換、間斷與摩擦，它初始的設計之中概括了成功與失敗的螺旋。 矮靈祭有時能有上百人同時共舞，它反映和創造了賽夏族社會最真實的面貌，有著其殖民過往餘韻、後殖民的現實，以及去殖民的理想。<div> </div></div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "embed_html-yfewx9jd8p": { "id": "embed_html-yfewx9jd8p", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 11, "embed_html": "<iframe src=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1kMCj6Utyt4L4xeSYN-K4yBc8LQhbh3Ej/preview\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" allow=\"autoplay\"></iframe>" }, "text-570te0stqq": { "id": "text-570te0stqq", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 12, "title": "At My Home, I Will Gently Sing for You (i maza ken semenasenai kipaqenet tanumun): A Case on Contemporary “Timur” Youth's musical Application and Practice / ljuzem tjaljialep 我在家輕輕為您唱：「地磨兒青年移動學校」看三地村當代音樂的實踐與應用 / 陳琦婷", "desc": "CHEN,Chi-Ting Located at the tri-junction of Wutai, Sandim and Majia Township, Timur is an important traffic entrance of these three township, there are more craft shops in Timur than the other villages, because the Taiwanese public sector is attempting to promote tourism industry in Timur. However, the current studies of Timur usually focus on the aspect of tourism, neglecting that there are many young people in Timur who are practicing cultural reproduction and cultural revival. As an indigenous youth born in Timur Tribe, I was soaked in aboriginal culture in my childhood. On the other hand, as a student who studies far away from my hometown for long periods of time, I experienced different viewpoints from the tribe. Thanks to churches ,I knew many youths with similar background like mine after I moved back to Timur in 2010. Those youths are participating in public affairs and establishing self-identity positively. Furthermore, in 2014, the young people recognized that their traditional culture was being lost, decided to organize the “Youth In Timur” (YIT) to record the memories and customs that had once been common knowledge among the indigenous residents. This research uses an applied ethnomusicology approach whereby I take on the role of advocator to execute the concert named “At My Home, I Will Gently Sing for You” (Pinayuanan: I mazaken semenasenai kipaqenet tanumun). I will discuss how it helps to develop local identity and intimacy of YITmembers and how it arise the concern of public sector at same time. To take myself as an example, in addition, I will also explain the dilemma as the homecoming youth and vusam (primogeniture), and the process of musicking in YIT. Finally, I will represent how the YIT members’ musicking recreates new cultural meaning for Timur with reflexive ethnography. Key Words: Timur, Homecoming Youth, Applied Ethnomusicology, Youth in Timur, Cultural Reproduction<div> </div> 三地村位居於霧台、三地、瑪家三處原住民部落之交通要戶，擁有特殊的地理位置。當今公部門積極推廣觀光發展，形成目前研究多以關注三地村的文化觀光產業，而忽略當代部落青年以不同的組織與行動，正進行文化再興與復振。 身為長期在外地求學的三地村人（Timur），我於 2010 年搬回三地村居住。我透過教會認識部落青年並發現我們有相似成長背景，但現今都回鄉積極參與部落活動，且對自我文化積極建立認同感。而返鄉青年在 2014 年自主成立「地磨兒青年移動學校」(Youth in Timur)，以部落為學校的概念，青年們帶著板凳到耆老家學習文化知識，如部落遷移史、婚俗禮儀、歲時祭儀等。 我在此研究中以應用民族音樂學的觀點，記述我跟「地磨兒青年移動學校」以自發性方式舉辦「我在家，輕輕為您唱」（I mazaken semenasenai kipaqenet tanumun）的音樂活動，並以民族誌書寫形式，並加以應用民族音樂學的精神，探討音樂在我的原生部落所再創造的文化意義。 關鍵字：三地村、應用民族音樂學、青年返鄉、地磨兒青年移動學校、文化再製<div> </div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "theme-t6b49lvvu3": { "id": "theme-t6b49lvvu3", "type": "theme", "sortable": true, "primaryObj": { "oid": "fbad3533a3cc9097e6cd378333364801", "fileType": "image", "fileURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1024/mcode/ced03a3a6c2899b80d93878054afc8eb.jpg?itok=zljlRNsg", "level": "primary", "title": "Paper presentation論文發表", "desc": "", "thumbURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/square_thumbnail_100/mcode/ced03a3a6c2899b80d93878054afc8eb.jpg?itok=tNBjNmem", "thumbMediumURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_medium/mcode/ced03a3a6c2899b80d93878054afc8eb.jpg?itok=kPf9-bzV", "thumbBigURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_big/mcode/ced03a3a6c2899b80d93878054afc8eb.jpg?itok=j9Y3zbML", "background": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1920/mcode/ced03a3a6c2899b80d93878054afc8eb.jpg?itok=acraq2ov", "mfid": "ced03a3a6c2899b80d93878054afc8eb", "musicURL": "", "musicName": "", "fileCreator": "", "rights": "ICTM原住民音樂與舞蹈研究小組", "rightsLogo": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/styles/square_thumbnail_100/public/default_rights/memder_non-05.png?itok=0rVBS4da", "fileLicence": "著作權利所有", "fileDisableLink": "0", "fileOversize": false }, "title": "Inclusion vs. Confrontation? Ontology vs. Epistemology? Cultural Revitalization vs. Cultural Industry? 包容還是對抗？本體論還是認識論？文化復振還是文化工業？", "desc": "Moderator: Muriel E Swijghuisen Reigersberg 主持人: Muriel E Swijghuisen Reigersberg An Observation about the “Cultural Renascence” of Katukina-Noke Koi People in Brazil through the Revitalization of the Shamanism巴西Katukina-Noke Koi族人透過薩滿祭儀學習從事文化復振的觀察 / Virgilio Bomfim Ethnicity Inc., Shamanism Ltd.: Indigenous Sound\nKnowledge as a Commodity  民族有限、薩滿公司:原住民聲音知識及其商品化，以及本體論同步的概念/ Bernd Brabec de Mori  DANCE AS EXPERIMENTAL PRACTICE: MALIKODA AND PANGCAH CONTEMPORARY ART舞蹈作為實驗性實踐－豐年祭歌舞以及阿美族當代藝術 / DJ Hatfield The Problem of Intergenerational Music Transmission among the Tao達悟族音樂在世代傳承中的問題 / Leberecht Funk ", "musicName": "無", "weight": 13, "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "embed_html-mnczvjhiy0": { "id": "embed_html-mnczvjhiy0", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 14, "embed_html": "<iframe src=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1ukGBLAu91DVyEvYJ1o4Wk_Y0mVLrPDn2/preview\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" allow=\"autoplay\"></iframe>" }, "text-slcsbgr1m5": { "id": "text-slcsbgr1m5", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 15, "title": "An Observation about the “Cultural Renascence” of Katukina-Noke Koi People in Brazil through the Revitalization of the Shamanism巴西Katukina-Noke Koi族人透過薩滿祭儀學習從事文化復振的觀察 / Virgilio Bomfim", "desc": "The Katukina-Noke Koi people have their territory within the state of Acre in Brazil. Their first contact with Western society was in the late 19th century, when migrants traveled through the Amazon basin in search of rubber trees. Since then they have been in permanent contact, first helping the rubber tappers and bosses as guides, hunters and later on the production of rubber. Nowadays, after thirty years of conquest of their land rights within Brazilian government and the expulsion of patrons and missionaries from their land, Katukina experience some sort of “cultural renascence” whereby younger generations are becoming more interested in their shamanism. My interlocutors are now into intensive practices of acquiring shamanic knowledge, learning to listen to the anacondas songs while in the ayahuasca and tobacco “trance”. In the last couple of years, the exponential growth of interest by surrounding society in ayahuasca shamanism has also brought to Katukina “western musical instruments”. They are adapting some traditional chants to be accompanied by acoustic guitars and percussions as well as composing new songs related to their ayahuasca knowledge and experience. This presentation is based on my recent years of research and collaboration with Katukina and is mainly about their cultural renascence through music and shamanism. <div> Katukina-Koke Koi 族在巴西阿克理州有自己的領土，約在十九世紀末，移民者為了找尋橡膠樹來到亞馬遜盆地，從那時候開始，該族與西方社會就一直有所接觸。起初，Katukina-Koke Koi 族人擔任那些橡膠採集者和雇主們的嚮導及獵人，隨後則從事橡膠生產。如今，在成功從巴西政府手中奪回土地權三十多年，並驅逐了贊助人和傳教士之後，Katukina經歷了一次文化復興，這使當地的年輕人更加關心傳統薩滿教。我的報導人現在正在深入實踐薩滿信仰，學習在使用過死藤水及菸草後的入神狀態時聽anacondas songs。近年來，整個社會對薩滿信仰的關注增加，這也使西方樂器傳入Katukina族裡。他們逐漸結合木吉他及打擊樂為傳統頌歌伴奏，或是創作與ayahuasca知識和經驗相關的歌曲。這份報告是以我近幾年的研究以及和Katukina人的合作為基礎，透過音樂與薩滿教來了解他們的文化復興。<div> </div></div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "text-2od8dza5ho": { "id": "text-2od8dza5ho", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 16, "title": "Ethnicity Inc., Shamanism Ltd.: Indigenous Sound Knowledge as a Commodity 民族有限、薩滿公司:原住民聲音知識及其商品化，以及本體論同步的概念/ Bernd Brabec de Mori ", "desc": "Ten years ago, Jean and John Comaroff, in their influential book “Ethnicity Inc.”, mentioned the enterprise of a Shipibo-Konibo Indigenous “shaman” who offered his services, including professional advertising and customised packages, easily digestible for the international tourist. Since the 1990s, “shamanism” retreats involving the ingestion of the hallucinogenic plant brew “ayawaska” mushroomed in the Western Amazon lowlands, and especially among the Shipibo-Konibo. Besides the plant brew, ritual songs commonly known as “ikaros” form the most prominent feature in this hype: songs invoking the agency of non-human beings for curing and sorcery, and in the current context, for spiritual growth and self-discovery.In this process, inventions of histories and traditions abound, albeit transmitted as historical and traditional facts to tourists and shaman apprentices. Geometric designs that are said to originate in <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">ayawaska</a> visions and can be read like a musical notation, or ecologically valorised “cosmic vibrations” that influence the perceptions and states of people, are disseminated as Indigenous concepts among those concerned and via internet channels. <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">Tourists and shaman apprentices mediate these concepts by injecting them into an alleged Indigeneity and transporting this compound into the outside world.</a>Ontologies and modes of existence between indigenous knowledge and such innovative trans-touristic concepts, however, differ considerably. Based on fieldwork between 2001 and 2019, the role of sonic epistemologies, including the sound-guided synchronization of individual speed of life with environmental cycles will be foregrounded in order to highlight difference, analyse change, and propose more integrated ways of interaction – enabling, and not replacing, ontological pluralism. Name:    Bernd Brabec de Mori    , Independent researcherBiographical note:Bernd Brabec de Mori received his M.A. (Mag. phil., 2003) and Ph.D. (Dr. phil., 2012) in musicology from the University of Vienna. He has been working for five years in the field among Indigenous People in the Peruvian lowland rainforests. After returning to Europe in 2006, he has been teaching and researching, among other institutions, at the Phonogrammarchiv of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, at the department for social and cultural anthropology at Philipps-University Marburg, at the centre for systematic musicology of Karl-Franzens-University Graz, at the institute of musicology at the University of Vienna, at the institute of ethnomusicology at the University of Music and Performing Arts Graz, and as an associate researcher at Yunnan University. 十年前，Jean和John Camaroff在他們所出版具有影響力的書《民族有限公司》(Ethnicity Inc.)裡提到，Shipibo-Konibo原住民的薩滿企業，提供了專業的廣告和套裝行程以吸引國際觀光旅遊。從1990年代起，在西方亞馬遜低地，特別是在Shipibo-Konibo地區，薩滿式的退修會行程中，包含吸食由植物釀造的“ayawaska“迷幻藥。此外，通常被稱為”ikaros“的儀式歌曲成為整波狂熱的高潮點：召喚非人類力量介入而進行治療和巫術的一些歌曲，而在現今的文化脈絡中則被運用於精神方面的自我成長和自我探索。在這個過程中，湧現出大量的歷史與傳統創作物，以歷史和傳統的面向傳遞給觀光客和薩滿學徒。比如傳說中能夠啟動ayawaska幻象、讀起來類似音樂記譜的一些幾何設計，就是因為看見，且能夠以樂譜的方式來閱讀，以及能夠影響人們的認知及狀態、具有生態價值的「宇宙震動」(cosmic vibrations)，在上述的那些考量中透過網路管道，被傳播為原住民的概念。然而，原生知識中的本體論及存在方式和這些創新的跨旅遊概念，還是有明顯差異。以2001年到2019年間的田野調查為基礎，聲音認識論的角色 -- 包括個體生命速度與環境週期的聲音導引合成 -- 將作為前景來強調其差異、分析其變化、並提出更具整合性的內部交流方式，期能啟發 -- 並非取代 -- 本體論的多元化。 姓名：Bernd Brabec de Mori簡介：Bernd Brabec de Mori分別在2003年及2012年於維也納大學音樂學系獲得碩士及哲學博士學位。他曾在秘魯低地雨林的原住民生活範圍從事田野工作達五年。 2006年返回歐洲後，他一直在奧地利科學院的影音典藏館（Phonogrammarchiv），馬爾堡菲利普斯大學社會文化人類學系、卡爾法蘭茲大學-格拉茨大學的系統音樂學中心、維也納大學音樂學研究所、格拉茨音樂暨表演藝術大學民族音樂研究所及雲南大學等從事教學和研究工作。 ", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "text-sysob701x4": { "id": "text-sysob701x4", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 17, "title": "DANCE AS EXPERIMENTAL PRACTICE: MALIKODA AND PANGCAH CONTEMPORARY ART舞蹈作為實驗性實踐－豐年祭歌舞以及阿美族當代藝術 / DJ Hatfield", "desc": "DJ Hatfield Although malikoda, a genre of Taiwanese Indigenous ritual dances performed among the Pangcah / 'Amis, have circulated widely in contexts of cultural representation, little scholarly work attends to malikoda as an experimental art practice. Relying on participant observation of malikoda, as well as interviews with Indigenous artists, I demonstrate how malikoda's tension between iconic realization of social order and an indexical entailment of outside agency present ethical and aesthetic possibilities for contemporary art practice.  A dance performed through call and response singing and movement while holding hands in a spiral, malikoda has been described by 'Amis ethnographer Panay Mulu as both a pathway and a meshwork in which dancers come into contact with each other, nature, and ancestors. In the work of Pangcah artists, malikoda similarly provides an embodied practice in which artists develop interconnection and responsiveness.  A daily exercise in Adaw Palaf Langasan's experimental theater, malikoda serves as the basis of Adaw's creative wayfaring. In Rahic Talif's recent work, Rahic malikodas with a group of collaborators to apply paint to massive canvases, in which the pigments allude to colonial presences that the dancers displace as they align their bodies with the ocean as a source of life and value. The canvases thus index both the force of colonial projects and endurance of embodied, decolonial practices. Reflecting on this work, I ask how work on malikoda might contribute to phenomenological approaches to the study of Indigenous contemporary art practices, which do not fit neatly within categories of modern or traditional. <div> 雖然Malikoda -- 一種臺灣原住民阿美族（Pangcah / 'Amis）的祭典舞蹈--在文化表徵的各種脈絡中已廣為流傳，但卻很少有學術研究以它作為實驗性的藝術實踐。透過對malikoda的參與式觀察以及訪談原住民藝術家後，我展示出malikoda在社會秩序的圖像符號以及外顯媒介的指涉內涵兩個面向之間的拉扯，是如何為當代藝術實踐提供倫理和美學上的可能性。這種藉由牽手螺旋隊形和應答式歌唱律動而呈現的舞蹈，被阿美族人種學者Panay Mulu描述為一個途徑以及一種網絡，在其中，舞者開始與彼此、與大自然、與祖靈之間產生了關聯。在阿美族藝術家的作品中，Malikoda也提供類似的具體實踐，在其中藝術家們發展出互聯性和回應性。在Adaw Palaf Langasan實驗劇場的一個每日練習中，Malikoda成為他創意行進的基礎。在Rahic Talif近期的作品裡，他和另一群合作者透過Malikoda彩繪著巨型畫布，在其中，油彩暗示出殖民的存在 -- 舞者們移動自己的身體來呼應作為生命和價值源頭的海洋。這些畫布於是一方面指涉著各種殖民計畫的力量，一方面又具現出反殖民實踐的毅力。透過對這部作品的思考，我試著探詢：這些衍生自Malikoda的藝術作品，是否有可能對於原住民當代藝術實踐（它們很難被歸類於現代或傳統）的現象學研究產生什麼樣的貢獻？<div> </div></div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "theme-kmc1vty8mj": { "id": "theme-kmc1vty8mj", "type": "theme", "sortable": true, "primaryObj": { "oid": "fbad3533a3cc9097e6cd378333364801", "fileType": "image", "fileURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1024/mcode/451974669037e17250fa2c35250c8923.jpg?itok=BL7jS80P", "level": "primary", "title": "Paper presentation論文發表", "desc": "", "thumbURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/square_thumbnail_100/mcode/451974669037e17250fa2c35250c8923.jpg?itok=b4GBY8BE", "thumbMediumURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_medium/mcode/451974669037e17250fa2c35250c8923.jpg?itok=mL1C1bN0", "thumbBigURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_big/mcode/451974669037e17250fa2c35250c8923.jpg?itok=9XuPPNGB", "background": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1920/mcode/451974669037e17250fa2c35250c8923.jpg?itok=qKM9tg2C", "mfid": "451974669037e17250fa2c35250c8923", "musicURL": "", "musicName": "", "fileCreator": "", "rights": "ICTM原住民音樂與舞蹈研究小組", "rightsLogo": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/styles/square_thumbnail_100/public/default_rights/memder_non-04.png?itok=gq-PTcKL", "fileLicence": "著作權利所有", "fileDisableLink": "0", "fileOversize": false }, "title": "Four Case-studies on the Revitalization and Transformation of the Intanguble Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding　急需保護之無形文化資產復振轉化的四個案例研究", "desc": "Moderator: Tsung-Te Tsai 主持人: 蔡宗德 Revitalization of Indigenous Music: Shifting Music by the Miao Youths in the Church Community  of Northwest Guizhou 原住民音樂的復興：貴州西北教會社群中苗族青年的音樂轉變 / 張書瑾Shu-Jing Zhang Research on the Universe View in the Bronze Drum Music of the Luoluo People of Chinese Yi Nationality中越跨境“彝”人銅鼓世界中的“樂路”體系研究 / 蘇毅苗 Yi-Miao Su Echoes from the Volga River: \"Singing\" and \"Memory\" of the Kalmyks in Russia窩瓦河的迴響：俄羅斯卡爾梅克人的「歌唱」與「回憶」/ 張頴 Ying Zhang The intersection of ancient sacrifice songs and contemporary music: Ming-hsiu Yen’s two arrangements of Ciina Cuuma古老的祭歌與當代音樂的交匯，以顏名秀的兩首《祭歌：母親父親》編曲為例 / 劉馬利 Ma-Li Liu ", "musicName": "無", "weight": 18, "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "embed_html-1swnljo0ha": { "id": "embed_html-1swnljo0ha", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 19, "embed_html": "<iframe width=\"560\" height=\"315\" src=\"https://www.youtube.com/embed/SBH4MME3kcA\" title=\"YouTube video player\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture\" allowfullscreen></iframe>" }, "text-xtx1g9skzl": { "id": "text-xtx1g9skzl", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 20, "title": "Revitalization of Indigenous Music: Shifting Music by the Miao Youths in the Church Community of Northwest Guizhou 原住民音樂的復興：貴州西北教會社群中苗族青年的音樂轉變 / 張書瑾Shu-Jing Zhang", "desc": "The Miao people who speak the western Miao dialect belonged to northeast Yunnan sub-dialect area call themselves “Ad Hmaob”, and mainly live in the Wumeng mountainous area on the border of Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou. They had their traditional belief for worships. However, a group of foreign missionaries represented by J. R. Adams (1863-1915) and Samuel Pollard (1864-1915) entered Southwest China and began to preach Christianity from the turn of the 20th century. As a result, this ethnic group was converted to Christianity, and its traditional music was almost extinct. In the current complex context of globalization, a small group of young Ad Hmaob people who grew up in Christian families of northwestern Guizhou is reviving Lusheng music (a Miao reed-pipe wind instrument) and Feige (Miao folk songs) to construct the Miao indigenous music at present. L and N, as representatives of those young Ad Hmaob, whose musical life will be tracked in this paper, to explore the Christian environment they were raised up in, the musical concepts and actions (performances) they’ve acquired, the collision of multi-level cultural identities currently exhibited on them, and therefore to deeply observe the historical and cultural implications behind. <div> </div> 位於東北雲南的次方言區，說著西苗族方言的苗族人稱他們自己為「Ad Hmaob」，主要居住在四川、雲南及貴州邊界的烏蒙山地區。他們原有自己的宗教崇拜，直到20世紀，J. R. Adams （1863-1915）及Samuel Pollard（1864-1915）為首的傳教士進入中國西南地區帶來基督教思想，至此之後，苗族改信基督教，而原來的傳統音樂近乎絕跡。現今複雜的全球化趨勢下，Ad Hmaob族，一個年輕的小規模團體，發跡於貴州西北區域的基督教族群，將蘆笙（一種笙樂器）及Feige（苗族民俗歌曲）音樂再次發揚光大，在現代重新構築苗族的原住民傳統音樂。本文將要追溯L和N－－Ad Hmaob族年輕族人中的兩位代表－－的音樂生涯，探討他所生長的基督教環境，他們的音樂概念及行為，展現在他們身上的多重文化身分的衝突，最終深入探討其背後的歷史及文化暗喻。<div> </div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "text-ixr04g70nc": { "id": "text-ixr04g70nc", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 21, "title": "Research on the Universe View in the Bronze Drum Music of the Luoluo People of Chinese Yi Nationality中越跨境“彝”人銅鼓世界中的“樂路”體系研究 / 蘇毅苗 Yi-Miao Su", "desc": "In the bronze drum music of the Luoluo people of Chinese Yi nationality, the universe view based on connection and induction is presented through ‘music-routine’. Singing and the various sounds of ceremony are used as the medium by ‘music-routine’, and the road is paved for the ceremonies to walk through the God, ghost, and monster world and the human world, making the non-experienced sacred world of the Yi people universe view from gloomy into bright. In the previous research, thinking about the relationship between integrated records, music and culture of the domestic Yi folk music is focused by the academia, but the research content has not yet reached the ‘music-routine’ structure. From 2004 to 2016, the author carried out more solid field work, made numerous in-depth field surveys in China and Vietnam, and took about 1500 hours video materials. Through the clues of music culture, the civilization of Yi people, the sound concept and the universe view fostered by the bronze drum music are analyzed by this article. 在中越跨境“彝”人銅鼓音樂中，基於聯繫和感應的宇宙觀通過“樂路”呈現。樂路以歌聲及儀式中的各種音響為媒介，鋪設了一條執儀者在【神/鬼/妖】的世界與人的世界中穿行之路，使“彝”人宇宙觀中非經驗的神聖世界得以化幽為明。學界以往研究聚焦於國內彝族民間音樂的集成式記錄、音樂與文化關係的思考等方面，從研究內容上尚未深入到“樂路”結構。筆者2004—2016年間數次深入中、越彝區實地調查，拍攝視頻資料約1500小時，開展了較為紮實的田野工作。本文探尋“彝”人銅鼓音樂中呈現的“樂路”這一共享的結構形式，進一步剖析絕地天通後“彝”人的文明以及“樂路”所孕育的聲音觀念、宇宙觀內涵。 ", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "text-7d6cgvhehf": { "id": "text-7d6cgvhehf", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 22, "title": "Echoes from the Volga River: \"Singing\" and \"Memory\" of the Kalmyks in Russia窩瓦河的迴響：俄羅斯卡爾梅克人的「歌唱」與「回憶」/ 張頴 Ying Zhang", "desc": "The Kalmyks are a Mongol subgroup in Russia. In the late 16th and early 17th centuries their ancestors migrated from West Mongolia（Dzungaria）to the steppes of the Western Siberia. As Russia's forces expand south, Kalmyks gave oath of allegiance to the Russian Czar In 1608 and 1609.There are now living in the Republic of Kalmyk, as well as the neighbouring States of Astrakhan, Volgograd, Rostov and Stavropol. During the Patriotic War and World War II, the Kalmyks fought for Russia. But as foreigners with another religious affiliation (Kalmyks worship Buddhism), different cultures from the Russian brought brutal suppression. Especially in December 1943, the Kalmyks were unfairly deported to Siberia. The justice was restored only in 1957 and the Kalmyks returned to the homeland. This directly cut off their culture, and the years of exile are still in the hearts of the Kalmyk people as the eternal grief.\tAs the main residence of Kalmyks in Russia, the Republic of kalmyk becomes contradictory and complex in a postcolonial context. As part of the Russian Federation, many changes followed colonization of Kalmyk steppe by the Russian settlers, Kalmyks have a very high degree of Russification in life and education. But the spiritual culture of Kalmyks remained quite stable, their folk songs record history, culture, and convey the sadness and aspirations of the Kalmyks.\t<a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">As</a> indigenous <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">in</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">Russia</a>, singing <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">has</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">become</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">an</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">important</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">tool</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">for</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">the</a> Kalmyks <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">to</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">express</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">themselves</a>, they passed their memories through singing,  because their memories <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">of</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">their</a> ancestors, hometowns <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">and</a> their unique <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">history</a> was recorded in the lyrics. <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">Interestingly</a>, Kalmyks’ <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">music</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">is</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">deeply</a> influenced <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">by</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">the</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">Slavic</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">nation</a>, <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">the</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">use</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">of</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">a</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">large</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">number</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">of</a> s Oirat Mongolians.emitones <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">and</a> dotted notes makes <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">their</a> songs <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">sound</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">less</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">like</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">ordinary</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">Mongolian</a> songs, <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">but</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">in</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">a</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">Russian</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">style</a>, even if they claim to be \tIn the context of performance, this article will explore the \"memory\" of Kalmykianns songs and their complex national and ethnic identity through two aspects of lyrics and melody. <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">It</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">is</a> hoped <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">that</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">this</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">will</a> discuss <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">the</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">contemporary</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">competition</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">and</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">balance</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">between</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">indigenous</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">culture</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">and</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">Russian</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">mainstream</a> <a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">culture</a>. <div> 卡爾梅克人是位於俄羅斯的蒙古亞族。16世紀末17世紀初期，他們的祖先自西蒙古（北疆）遷徙到西西伯利亞的草原。因俄羅斯軍隊拓展到南方，卡爾梅克人在1608年到1609年時宣誓效忠俄國沙皇。現今居住地卡爾梅克共和國，鄰近俄羅斯的阿斯特拉罕、伏爾加格勒、羅斯托夫及斯達夫波爾。在衛國戰爭與第二次世界大戰中，卡爾梅克人為俄羅斯出兵，但因屬於不同國家而且宗教信仰不同（卡爾梅克人為佛教），俄羅斯的異文化帶來了殘酷的打壓，特別在1943年12月，卡爾梅克人慘遭驅逐至西伯利亞，直到1957年卡爾梅克人才得回歸家鄉。這個事件直接切斷了他們的文化，且持續數年的流浪是卡爾梅克人永久的傷痛。卡爾梅克人作為在此地區的主要民族，其建立的卡爾梅克共和國在後殖民時代變得複雜且矛盾。作為俄羅斯聯邦的一部分，俄羅斯統治者勒令該地區須遵守殖民主義，使得卡爾梅克人在生活和教育方面非常俄羅斯化。然而卡爾梅克的精神文化仍舊穩固，他們的民俗樂曲紀錄了歷史及文化，且表達了卡爾梅克族群悲傷與展望。作為俄羅斯的原住民族，歌唱是卡爾梅克人表達他們自己最重要的工具，他們用歌聲傳承記憶，而他們祖先、故鄉及獨特的歷史都記錄在歌詞當中。有趣的是，卡爾梅克的音樂深受斯拉夫影響，大量使用半音和附點音符使他們的歌曲不像是普遍的蒙古歌曲，而更接近俄羅斯風格，即使他們自稱是西蒙古的「瓦剌」。究其表現形式，這篇文章將透過歌詞與旋律兩個方面，來探討卡爾梅克歌曲的「回憶」，以及他們複雜的民族認同發展，期望可以討論在原住民文化及俄羅斯主流文化間的競爭與平衡。<div> </div></div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "text-tqz5sqxuoh": { "id": "text-tqz5sqxuoh", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 23, "title": "The intersection of ancient sacrifice songs and contemporary music: Ming-hsiu Yen’s two arrangements of Ciina Cuuma古老的祭歌與當代音樂的交匯，以顏名秀的兩首《祭歌：母親父親》編曲為例 / 劉馬利 Ma-Li Liu", "desc": "The Kanakanavu was officially recognized by the government as the 16th indigenous people of Taiwanese aborigines in 2014. The ancient tune \"Ciina Cuuma\" sung at the Migong ritual, is one of the few truly representing Kanakanavu Ancient song. A lot of aboriginal music has been adapted into various forms of Western classical instrumental music, presented in the forms of Western classical music. The composer Ming-hsiu Yen borrowed the theme of \"Ciina Cuuma\" arranged into the two works, one is Duet for viola and piano and one is for orchestra. She made the traditional ancient tune a new appearance. First of all, this study analyzes the relationship between the musical characteristics and the text of original \"Ciina Cuuma\", then compares with the two works of Yen. The study explores how Yen combined traditional tune with western compositional techniques by re-organizing original elements, developing motivations, establishing harmonies, and deriving the structures. Through the outcome of the analysis, we can learn the process that \"Ciina Cuuma\"’s essence sublimated into artistic appearance from its original function. Using western music techniques on arrangement and performance with contemporary vocabularies to recreate the traditional tune, it helps carry on the heritage of aboriginal music unto the new era with a brand new sonority.<div> 卡那卡那富族在2014年被正式核定為臺灣原住民第16個法定原住民族群，在米貢祭所演唱的古調《祭歌：母親父親》，是少數真正代表卡那卡那富的古曲。 很多原住民音樂被改編為各種不同形式的西洋古典器樂曲，以西方古典音樂形式呈現，作曲家顏名秀就引用了《祭歌》的旋律，寫成了兩首截然不同的作品，分別為中提琴 & 鋼琴二重奏曲與管絃樂曲，讓傳統古調呈現新的樣貌。 本文先從《祭歌：母親父親》的原曲切入，就樂曲本身的特質與文字的關係深入剖析，再比較、對照顏名秀的兩首作品，探究她是如何將傳統古調，經過不斷元素的重組、動機的發展、和聲的設計、結構的衍生等等，透過樂曲的分析結果，更能理解《祭歌》從原本的功能性的本質，昇華到藝術性的過程。運用西方作曲技法改編與演奏，以當代的語彙重新詮釋，使得藝術性與技術性兼具，在承先啟後中創造出嶄新的聲響。<div> </div></div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "theme-xnaq8ocemj": { "id": "theme-xnaq8ocemj", "type": "theme", "sortable": true, "primaryObj": { "oid": "fbad3533a3cc9097e6cd378333364801", "fileType": "image", "fileURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1024/mcode/f4461a90a3e390cbe1b2a4dc95e8be39.jpg?itok=N6rJPPoU", "level": "primary", "title": "Paper presentation論文發表", "desc": "", "thumbURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/square_thumbnail_100/mcode/f4461a90a3e390cbe1b2a4dc95e8be39.jpg?itok=baAXGxY9", "thumbMediumURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_medium/mcode/f4461a90a3e390cbe1b2a4dc95e8be39.jpg?itok=Ju28XKNx", "thumbBigURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_big/mcode/f4461a90a3e390cbe1b2a4dc95e8be39.jpg?itok=j1ZOMMao", "background": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1920/mcode/f4461a90a3e390cbe1b2a4dc95e8be39.jpg?itok=eIjN8Ezl", "mfid": "f4461a90a3e390cbe1b2a4dc95e8be39", "musicURL": "", "musicName": "", "fileCreator": "", "rights": "ICTM原住民音樂與舞蹈研究小組", "rightsLogo": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/styles/square_thumbnail_100/public/default_rights/memder_non-03.png?itok=h0rkcAOw", "fileLicence": "著作權利所有", "fileDisableLink": "0", "fileOversize": false }, "title": "Archiving, Cultural Preservation and Indigenous Ontology　檔案、文化存續與原住民本體論", "desc": "Moderator: Jean Ngoya Kidula 主持人: Jean Ngoya Kidula WHAKAMANU AND WHANGANUI KAIPONU  Marae-based Archiving and Waiata preservationMarae基礎建檔和Waiata保存 / Meri Haami Depictions of Military Music in the Sj’air Perang Mengkasar馬克·卡薩爾（Sj’air Perang Mengkasar）之軍事音樂的記述 / Jesse Hodgetts Yama garra baay? When’s it going to Rain? The regrowth and renewal of old Ngiyambaa and Wiradjuri songs to empower the cultural identity of Ngiyambaa and Wiradjuri people of NSW today Yama garra baay？何時下雨？透過古老Ngiyambaa和Wiradjuri歌曲的再生和更新強化當今新南威爾士州Ngiyambaa和Wiradjuri族人的在地文化認同 / Anthea Skinner ", "musicName": "無", "weight": 24, "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "embed_html-sbsg9xdbsg": { "id": "embed_html-sbsg9xdbsg", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 25, "embed_html": "<iframe width=\"560\" height=\"315\" src=\"https://www.youtube.com/embed/v7Bmk4T9Xp4\" title=\"YouTube video player\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture\" allowfullscreen></iframe>" }, "embed_html-z2c15vatca": { "id": "embed_html-z2c15vatca", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 26, "embed_html": "<iframe src=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1pbZJgCTh_LUy3PiUzpG5IaIvccUJEVyo/preview\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" allow=\"autoplay\"></iframe>" }, "text-nsru05n7ld": { "id": "text-nsru05n7ld", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 27, "title": "WHAKAMANU AND WHANGANUI KAIPONU Marae-based Archiving and Waiata preservationMarae基礎建檔和Waiata保存 / Meri Haami", "desc": "The Whakamanu Research Project aims to develop an archival organisation system specific to two hapū [sub-tribes] and marae [sub-tribal meeting places] communities for taonga [tangible and non-tangible treasures] that belong to whānau [families] and hapū associated with Kauangaroa Marae and Rānana Marae with Te Atawhai o Te Ao (A Kaupapa Māori Research Institute for the Environment and Health). This research has enacted aspects of a covertly ethical and culturally appropriate framework called ‘Whanganui Kaiponu’. My previous Masters study examined Whanganui Kaiponu as a selective knowledge treatment and transmission built from the environment of Whanganui to ensure that the sanctity ofknowledge is maintained. Whanganui Kaiponu has been used in the past and presently for the protection, preservation and transmission of waiata [song] as well as other hapū taonga [sub- tribal tangible and non-tangible treasures]. This process has been reflected in the past experiences of hapū pedagogical waiata disseminations (Haami, 2017).Waiata can fall into the Māori oral tradition and histories and is considered a type of Māori oral historiography. Moreover, waiata specifically embodies tonal, rhythmic and mnemonic qualities, thus aiding in easy memorisation of important tribal information (Ka’ai-Mahuta, 2010; Mikaere, 2011; Haami, 2017). The preservation of waiata through exercising Whanganui Kaiponu has influenced the physical establishing, arranging and development of the two marae-based archives. Moreover, the interviews with the two marae communities raiser further queries surrounding waiata and other taonga preservation within the context of　digitisation. These questions surround data sovereignty, safeguarding knowledge online and how to best facilitate taonga online. Furthermore, these enquiries have informed the next stages of waiata and taonga digitisation within the context of marae-based archives.<div> </div> Whakamanu研究計畫旨在針對兩個hapū[子部落]和marae [子部落聚會場所]社區的屬於whānau[家族]的taonga [有形和無形文化資產]發展一個檔案組織系統，並將hapū、Kauangaroa Marae和RānanaMarae與Te Atawhai o Te Ao（一個Kaupapa毛利人環境與健康研究所）相結合。這項研究制定了一個稱為‘Whanganui Kaiponu’的隱秘的符合倫理和文化的框架。我之前的碩士研究考察了Whanganui Kaiponu，這是一種從Whanganu的環境中建立的選擇性知識處理和傳播，以確保旺格努伊的神聖性知識得以維持。Whanganui Kaiponu過去和現在一直用於保護，保存和傳播waiata塔[歌曲]以及其他hapūtaonga [子部落有形和無形文化資產]。這一過程已反映在hapū教育學waiata傳播的過去經驗中（Haami，2017）。Waiata可被歸類於毛利人的口述傳統和歷史，被認為是毛利人的口述史學的一種。此外，waiata特別體現了音調、節奏和助記符的特質，從而有助於輕鬆記住重要的部落信息（Ka’ai-Mahuta，2010； Mikaere，2011； Haami，2017）。透過行使Whanganui Kaiponu來保護waiata，已經影響了這兩個Marae基礎的檔案的實際建立、安排和發展。此外，對兩個marae社區保存者的採訪進一步詢問了在數位化背景下有關懷阿塔和其他taonga保護的問題。這些問題涉及資訊主權，在線保護知識以及如何最有效地促進文化資產的數位化。此外，這些探究預示了marae基礎檔案背景下，waiata和taonga數位化的下一階段。<div> </div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "embed_html-5e97tj64zq": { "id": "embed_html-5e97tj64zq", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 28, "embed_html": "<iframe src=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1kqKTj19kic04S9CrtLp7ZFAeNnD0lmFC/preview\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" allow=\"autoplay\"></iframe>" }, "text-z29sdxgmjy": { "id": "text-z29sdxgmjy", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 29, "title": "Yama garra baay? When’s it going to Rain? The regrowth and renewal of old Ngiyambaa and Wiradjuri songs to empower the cultural identity of Ngiyambaa and Wiradjuri people of NSW today Yama garra baay？何時下雨？透過古老Ngiyambaa和Wiradjuri歌曲的再生和更新強化當今新南威爾士州Ngiyambaa和Wiradjuri族人的在地文化認同 / Anthea Skinner", "desc": "During the 1960s and 1970s, songs amongst the Ngiyambaa and Wiradjuri people of Central and Western NSW were being recorded in an effort to preserve music and stories from the last fluent speakers of their language. This presentation aims to analyse a song about forecasting rain, exploring the song text and style, background of composer, background of singer and the story and cultural meaning within the song. This analysis is done from a contemporary Ngiyambaa and Wiradjuri singer’s perspective. Therefore, this presentation will also discuss the rationale and significance of a Ngiyambaa and Wiradjuri singer’s perspective behind analysing old Ngiyambaa and Wiradjuri songs. These songs are created by Ngiyambaa and Wiradjuri ancestors for future generations to continue composing Ngiyambaa and Wiradjuri songs and dances within their distinct style and to maintain and empower cultural identity. <div> </div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "embed_html-zvdebg3er4": { "id": "embed_html-zvdebg3er4", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 30, "embed_html": "<iframe src=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/17PxbrcJAcy0Dnb1u_epmjBwUv6ea0Y1j/preview\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" allow=\"autoplay\"></iframe>" }, "text-wmr6788plq": { "id": "text-wmr6788plq", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 31, "title": "Depictions of Military Music in the Sj’air Perang Mengkasar馬克·卡薩爾（Sj’air Perang Mengkasar）之軍事音樂的記述 / Jesse Hodgetts", "desc": "The Sj’air Perang Mengkasar or the Rhymed Chronicle of the Macassar War was written by Entji’ Amin, an official in the court of Gowa in Macassar. It commemorates the Macassar War (1666-1667) between Macassarese forces and the Dutch, aided by their Bugis allies. The Sj’air Perang Mengkasar is a particularly valuable source for studying colonial-era Macassar, as it tells the story of this battle for control of the spice trade not from the side of the invading Dutch, but from the point of view of local indigenous rulers. The fact that this document was not only written, but survived is even more remarkable given that Macassarese forces were defeated by the Dutch, with their main fortress Somba Opu being destroyed and replaced with the Dutch-controlled Fort Rotterdam. The Sj’air Perang Mengkasar contains within it descriptions of military music and war dances from all three groups represented in the conflict, the Macassarese, the Dutch and the Bugis. This paper focusses on these depictions, examining the way Macassarese military music is compared not only with that of the colonial Dutch, but with that of another, local, ethnic group, the Bugis. Of particular interest will be the way that Amin translates European musical terms into Classical Malay and how the chronicle’s English translator, Cyril Skinner, in turn translates Macassarese/Malay musical terms into English. <div> 馬克·卡薩爾（Sj’air Perang Mengkasar）或《卡薩爾戰爭的押韻編年史》是由恩卡·阿敏（Entji’Amin）撰寫的，他是卡薩爾Gowa法院的官員。內容是紀念Macassarese軍隊和荷蘭人在布吉人盟軍的協助下進行的Macassar戰爭（1666-1667）。馬克·卡薩爾是研究殖民時代的Macassar十分寶貴的資源，因其敘述了爭奪香料貿易權的故事，內容並非由入侵的荷蘭軍為主，而是由當地的原住民族角度出發。那時Macassarese部隊被荷蘭人擊敗，主要的堡壘Somba Opu遭到摧毀，荷蘭人直接管轄的鹿特丹堡。該文件的價值不只是所撰寫的事件本身，更珍貴是在這樣艱難的情形下得以留存。馬克·卡薩爾分別記錄了在對戰衝突中的三個團體（Macassarese，荷蘭人和布吉人）的軍事音樂與戰爭舞蹈。這份文獻著重於這些記述，考察了Macassarese的軍事音樂，並此資料與殖民者荷蘭人和另一個當地的民族布吉人互相比較。有趣的是，恩卡·阿敏將歐洲音樂術語翻譯成古典馬來文，而編年史的英語譯者，Cyril Skinner則將Macassar/馬來音樂術語翻譯成英語。<div> </div></div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "theme-k2iy7l7pzr": { "id": "theme-k2iy7l7pzr", "type": "theme", "sortable": true, "primaryObj": { "oid": "fbad3533a3cc9097e6cd378333364801", "fileType": "image", "fileURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1024/mcode/4da151e51ae5d6957e6fd4d6f922ab01.jpg?itok=SQGHR8Th", "level": "primary", "title": "Paper presentation論文發表", "desc": "", "thumbURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/square_thumbnail_100/mcode/4da151e51ae5d6957e6fd4d6f922ab01.jpg?itok=EVtgkUHR", "thumbMediumURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_medium/mcode/4da151e51ae5d6957e6fd4d6f922ab01.jpg?itok=TPt1CFY2", "thumbBigURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_big/mcode/4da151e51ae5d6957e6fd4d6f922ab01.jpg?itok=RXFoluOy", "background": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1920/mcode/4da151e51ae5d6957e6fd4d6f922ab01.jpg?itok=_nByvXxK", "mfid": "4da151e51ae5d6957e6fd4d6f922ab01", "musicURL": "", "musicName": "", "fileCreator": "", "rights": "ICTM原住民音樂與舞蹈研究小組", "rightsLogo": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/styles/square_thumbnail_100/public/default_rights/memder_non-05.png?itok=0rVBS4da", "fileLicence": "著作權利所有", "fileDisableLink": "0", "fileOversize": false }, "title": "Reclaiming the Indigenous Identity through Music and Dance　透過樂舞重建原住民文化認同", "desc": "Moderator: Chun-Bin Chen 主持人: 陳俊斌 Crane dance mystery: Togruna bii in Kalmyktradition鶴舞之謎－卡爾梅克傳統中的Togruna bii / Ggilyana DORDZHIEVA Dancing In the Camp: Use of Dinka traditional dance in construction of Here and There among the Dinka refugees in Adjumani refugee camp在營地中跳舞－Adjumani難民營的丁卡族難民運用丁卡族傳統舞蹈在異地建構原鄉 / Mark Lenini Parselelo Contesting and Reclaiming Indigeneity in Uyghur Music論爭並收回維吾爾音樂中的本土性 / Chuen-ung Wong", "musicName": "無", "weight": 32, "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "embed_html-jc02td65t2": { "id": "embed_html-jc02td65t2", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 33, "embed_html": "<iframe width=\"560\" height=\"315\" src=\"https://www.youtube.com/embed/u2EFx_stITI\" title=\"YouTube video player\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share\" allowfullscreen></iframe>" }, "embed_html-5343spnstg": { "id": "embed_html-5343spnstg", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 34, "embed_html": "<iframe src=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1INolXRPb_6FX9o7X3fkLvAiNdkorEZai/preview\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" allow=\"autoplay\"></iframe>" }, "text-1mv42hmzhv": { "id": "text-1mv42hmzhv", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 35, "title": "Crane dance mystery: Togruna bii in Kalmyktradition鶴舞之謎－卡爾梅克傳統中的Togruna bii / Ggilyana DORDZHIEVA", "desc": "Shaped by pastoral nomadism, the traditional culture of the Oirad (Western Mongols) had been developed from the rational and spiritual interaction with the natural environment. Profound study of the music of the Oirad, who presently are the ethnic minority scattered within the territories of three countries (Mongolia, China, and Russia), will contribute to the preservation of their indigenous knowledge, unique voice and heritage. Despite the language of the Kalmyks (the Oirad of Russia) is included in the UNESCO list for endangered languages, folk songs and dances have still remained poor-known to scholars and unappealing to the modern Kalmyk society for decades subjugated by the Russian-language educational system and administration. Unsurprisingly, the Togruhan biilülkhm (Making a crane dance) ritual went unnoticed by researchers. I will present my field recordings of legends and non-tale prose, Crane songs and circular dance accompanied with the long-necked two-string dombra1. I will analyze the specifics of the Crane dance Togrun bii, its cranelike movements, onomatopoeias, and tunes. A crane was a sacred bird to worship and praise as well as to send misfortunes to anyone who hurts its hatchling. It is noteworthy that in their personal stories and memories, the elder Kalmyks turn to the mythological idea of the curse sent by a crane as to explain deportation and other genocide events during Soviet Regime. 在游牧型態的影響之下，Oirad（西蒙古）的傳統文化是從與環境的理性及精神互動所衍生出來的。對分散在蒙古、中國、俄羅斯的少數民族而言，針對Oirad的音樂進行深入的研究，將有助於他們保留當地原住民的知識、獨特的發音以及文化遺產。雖然Kalmyks（俄羅斯裡的Oirad）的語言已經被放入聯合國教科文組織的瀕危語言中，但是其民俗歌曲和舞蹈對於學者們來說還是很陌生，且近十幾年來，在俄羅斯的教育和行政體系下，Kalmyk社會還是顯得沒有吸引力。　　毫無意外的，the Togruhan biilülkhm（鶴舞）儀式就被研究者們忽略了。我將展示我對於這些傳說和散文的田野紀錄，其中的鶴歌和環形舞以長頸二弦dombra伴奏。同時分析鶴舞Togrun bii的細節，其如同鶴一樣的動作、擬聲語和曲調。鶴被大大的崇拜和頌讚，是一種神聖的動物，若有人干擾他的孵化過程，將會被詛咒不幸。值得注意的是，在他們的故事和記憶裡頭，Kalmyks長老總會用被鶴祖咒等神話思想，來說明蘇聯政權時發生的驅逐或種族滅絕事件。<div> </div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "embed_html-gxyzb8364c": { "id": "embed_html-gxyzb8364c", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 36, "embed_html": "<iframe src=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1LCnWDBiA2_4HcqI6iDUn1y6yJ-d-24Hz/preview\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" allow=\"autoplay\"></iframe>" }, "text-yaksmpl0kw": { "id": "text-yaksmpl0kw", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 37, "title": "Dancing In the Camp: Use of Dinka traditional dance in construction of Here and There among the Dinka refugees in Adjumani refugee camp在營地中跳舞－Adjumani難民營的丁卡族難民運用丁卡族傳統舞蹈在異地建構原鄉 / Mark Lenini Parselelo", "desc": "In 2011 South Sudan gained independence from Sudan; this victory was short-lived when civil war broke out in 2013. The United Nations Refugee Agency and the Uganda Office of the Prime Minister (OPM) reported an increase in refugee numbers in Uganda. This is not the first time that South Sudanese have gone into exile; there is a culture of war, discrimination, exile and refugees. This paper will discuss how Dinka refugees in Adjumani refugee camp use dance to link the camp and their home in South Sudan. Dinka, an indigenous group from South Sudan, is arguably the largest indigenous group of people in South Sudan and the leading population in the camps. I will discuss Dinka traditional dance; a combination of drumming singing and movement, as ontological and epistemological, where the practice goes beyond the constraints of space and time as the refugees' construct \"There\" while \"Here\". \"Here\" represents the refugee camp and \"There\" is South Sudan. I will further discuss how the refugees produce and disseminate indigenous knowledge to maintain their cultural capital. In doing this, I will try to answer how they maintain their distinctive identities in \"Here\" while actively linking to \"There\"? What are the new knowledge they are producing to cope in the camp? Furthermore, how their knowledge systems play into who they are? I will use data from the field and various dance analysis methods and Bourdieu cultural production theory to try to answer these questions.<div> 2011年，南蘇丹脫離蘇丹獲得獨立。在2013年內戰爆發時，這一勝利是短暫的。聯合國難民署和總理烏干達辦事處（OPM）報告說，烏干達的難民人數有所增加。這不是南蘇丹人第一次流亡。有戰爭，歧視，流亡和難民文化。本文將討論Adjumani難民營中的丁卡難民如何使用舞蹈將難民營與他們在南蘇丹的家聯繫起來。丁卡族是南蘇丹的一個原住民族群，可以說是南蘇丹最大的原住民族群，也是難民營中的主要人口。我將討論丁卡族的傳統舞蹈；擊鼓歌唱和律動的結合，從本體論和認識論的角度出發，這種實踐超越了時間和空間的限制，因為難民在“這裡”而在這裡建造了“那裡”。 “這裡”代表難民營，“那裡”代表南蘇丹。我將進一步討論難民們如何生產和傳播本土知識，以維持其文化資產。為此，我將嘗試回答他們如何在“這裡”保持主動身份的同時，又積極鏈接到“那裡”？他們將在營地產生什麼新知識？此外，他們的知識體系如何發揮作用？我將田野調查資料、各種舞蹈分析方法和布迪厄文化生產理論來嘗試回答這些問題。<div> </div></div>", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "embed_html-m4nq67t2xi": { "id": "embed_html-m4nq67t2xi", "type": "embed_html", "sortable": true, "weight": 38, "embed_html": "<iframe width=\"560\" height=\"315\" src=\"https://www.youtube.com/embed/ngOqoyNYDSE\" title=\"YouTube video player\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share\" allowfullscreen></iframe>" }, "text-44ehgn73td": { "id": "text-44ehgn73td", "type": "text", "sortable": true, "musicName": "無", "weight": 39, "title": "Contesting and Reclaiming Indigeneity in Uyghur Music論爭並收回維吾爾音樂中的本土性 / Chuen-ung Wong", "desc": "Over the past nearly half a century, scholarly and media attention on the performing arts of China’s “minority” nationalities have been guided heavily by inquiries that prioritize issues of representation, cultural policy, and local adaptations—a framework that both critiques and is premised on the model of ethnic pluralism as promoted by the socialist state since the 1950s. Meanwhile, the escalating crises of cultural assimilation and political suppression as experienced by the minorities have invited conceptions of indigeneity as one that is shared across the ethnic lines, a transregional consciousness that resonates and aligns Chinese minorities with the wider global indigenous community. This paper focuses on the music and performing arts of the Uyghur—Central Asian Turkic Muslims whose ancestral homeland was incorporated into China as a minority “autonomous region” called “Xinjiang” in modern history. Here I examine musical indigeneity as a contested terrain in the writing of Uyghur history, where the official discourse has sought to historicize Uyghur music through a multiculturalist framework that highlights hybridity and impurity, one that contrasts starkly with the monolithic construction of Chinese civilization. Drawing on recent ethnographic findings and analyses on the local, folk interpretation of classical and contemporary genres, I also look at the ways in which articulations of cultural ownership, artistic integrity, and creativity in Uyghur performing arts have been informed by the burgeoning concepts of indigeneity among minority musicians and audiences on China’s ethnic peripheries. 在過去將近半世紀，學術界及媒體對中國少數民族的表演藝術的關注，主要是透過代表權、文化政策、當地適應性問題上—一個既批評又以1950年代後社會主義國家提倡的種族多元化為基礎的框架。同時，少數民族所經歷的文化同化和政治的打壓，招致了跨種族間少數民族的共鳴。此篇文獻著眼於維吾爾族的音樂及藝術表現形式——現代歷史中，最早以中國的邊疆地區為領土的中亞的突厥穆斯林民族。在這裡，我檢視了音樂本土性，作為維吾爾歷史中備受爭議的領土，官方試著給與維吾爾族音樂一個框架來表現其多元文化主義，使其在中華文化中形成格格不入的鮮明對比。在本文中，我除了著眼於最新的民族誌中，對於古典和當代樂種的本土式與民俗式詮釋的洞見與分析，也同時研究了維吾爾族表演藝術在受到中國少數民族音樂家新興的「本土性」概念與中國邊境民族觀眾的影響之下，其對文化所有權的發聲、藝術的整體性以及創造性。 ", "musicText": "", "musicURL": "" }, "thanks": { "id": "thanks", "type": "thanks", "sortable": false, "thanksList": { "ICTM原住民音樂與舞蹈研究小組": { "rights": "ICTM原住民音樂與舞蹈研究小組", "rightsLogo": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/styles/square_thumbnail_100/public/default_rights/memder_non-05.png?itok=0rVBS4da", "obj": [ "dc6a228d77762439e601d18eb646ec55", "fbad3533a3cc9097e6cd378333364801" ], "objNum": 2 } }, "objList": { "dc6a228d77762439e601d18eb646ec55": { "oid": "dc6a228d77762439e601d18eb646ec55", "fileType": "image", "fileURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1024/mcode/502014f16b172d3b581e3d9f20a6f1ac.jpg?itok=c62JORZ7", "level": "bg", "title": "2020 SYMPOSIUM_PROGRAM BOOK", "desc": "", "thumbURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/square_thumbnail_100/mcode/502014f16b172d3b581e3d9f20a6f1ac.jpg?itok=BuGFPwGo", "thumbMediumURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_medium/mcode/502014f16b172d3b581e3d9f20a6f1ac.jpg?itok=XjWWTpBa", "thumbBigURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_big/mcode/502014f16b172d3b581e3d9f20a6f1ac.jpg?itok=bKcmtW6C", "background": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1920/mcode/502014f16b172d3b581e3d9f20a6f1ac.jpg?itok=OeaeafPm", "mfid": "502014f16b172d3b581e3d9f20a6f1ac", "musicURL": "", "musicName": "", "fileCreator": "", "rights": "ICTM原住民音樂與舞蹈研究小組", "rightsLogo": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/styles/square_thumbnail_100/public/default_rights/memder_non-05.png?itok=0rVBS4da", "fileLicence": "著作權利所有", "fileDisableLink": "0", "fileOversize": false }, "fbad3533a3cc9097e6cd378333364801": { "oid": "fbad3533a3cc9097e6cd378333364801", "fileType": "image", "fileURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1024/mcode/fe3707d18298038fd59cd9bc929ba08f.jpg?itok=UjOa-L3q", "level": "primary", "title": "Paper presentation論文發表", "desc": "", "thumbURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/square_thumbnail_100/mcode/fe3707d18298038fd59cd9bc929ba08f.jpg?itok=ZiO5sgWn", "thumbMediumURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_medium/mcode/fe3707d18298038fd59cd9bc929ba08f.jpg?itok=tdwrZcwF", "thumbBigURI": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/thumbnail_big/mcode/fe3707d18298038fd59cd9bc929ba08f.jpg?itok=gPnYWzXn", "background": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/muse_styles/w1920/mcode/fe3707d18298038fd59cd9bc929ba08f.jpg?itok=xU3nDfHz", "mfid": "fe3707d18298038fd59cd9bc929ba08f", "musicURL": "", "musicName": "", "fileCreator": "", "rights": "ICTM原住民音樂與舞蹈研究小組", "rightsLogo": "https://ictmindsg.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ictmindsg/styles/square_thumbnail_100/public/default_rights/memder_non-02.png?itok=fGKM5I0r", "fileLicence": "著作權利所有", "fileDisableLink": "0", "fileOversize": false } }, "title": "誌謝", "desc": "請輸入誌謝內容", "weight": 40, "display": false } }

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